[167] Aelian. _Hist. var._ xiv. 34, says, that the Egyptians in ancient times had priests as their judges.

[168] Clem. Strom. i. p. 131.

[169] [Sacred Scribe.]

[170] The Pastophori do not appear in the train of the priests, and are expressly separated from the priests (ἱερεῖς) by _Porphyrius_. They were, as their name implies, the bearers of the small sacred chapels of the gods which formed the principal furniture of the temple. That is probably the reason why they appear in the great processions, where the images of the gods were carried about, not as priests, but as _under-officers_ of the temple; and they are, therefore, rightly placed by Porphyrius along with the νεωκόροι, the sweepers of the temple, and the other servants of the temple (ὑπουργοί). As bearers of the sacred shrines they were also their watchmen, and, therefore, especially the overseers of the temple, the watchmen of the temple; therefore their hieroglyphical sign, according to Horapollo, i. 41, is a house watchman, φύλαξ οἴκου, because the temple is guarded by him, διὰ τὸ ὑπὸ τούτου φυλάττεσθαι τὸ ἱερόν. But what could the temple watchmen have had to do with medicine? There is nowhere even the most distant relation indicated between the pastophori and the physicians; indeed, their occupations appear necessarily to exclude them. I therefore believe that there is either some fundamental error, or a false reading, in the passage of Clemens, which cannot yet be solved. The pastophori were the principal under-officers, and therefore were united by their rank with the chanter, the lowest class of the priests. Was this possibly the reason why the books of medicine, which succeeded those of the chanter in this canon, were ascribed to them? There were many more than forty-two sacred books, and they must have all been lodged among the archives of the temple, without, however, being assigned to any particular class of priests.

[171] [Diod. i. 70, 73, 96.]

[172] I speak here of the first section of the Papyrus of Sallier, No. 2, which is communicated in the _Select Papyri in the hieratic character, from the collection of the British Museum_. London. 1844. Pl. x.-xii.

[173] I procured in Thebes a number of such hymns for the Royal Museum at Berlin. Several of them were composed in the reign of King Ramses IX., in the 20th Dynasty. There was a hymn to Amen-Ra, upon a roll of eleven pages, in the Egyptian collection of Mr. Sams in London, 1839.

[174] Upon a wooden tablet covered with fine white chalk, in the British Museum.

[175] In the Book of the Dead, c. 128, 134, 139, &c. [Plut. _de Is._ c. 52.]

[176] Porphyr. _de abst._ iv. 8.

[177] Bunsen, Bd. i. p. 55. (_Eg.’s Pl. in Un. Hist._ bk. i. p. 28.)

[178] See my introduction to the _Todtenbuche der Ægypter_. Leipzig, 1842, p. 17.

[179] Bd. i. p. 47. (_Eg.’s Pl. in Un. Hist._ bk. i. p. 20.)

[180] i. 94, 95.

[181] [Tatian. _or. ad Græc._ c. 1.]

[182] _Annal._ ii. 60.

[183] Champollion, _Lettres écrites d’Egypte et de Nubie_, p. 21, 426. After the death of Champollion, Salvolini made use of the privately withheld papers of his master for a particular treatise: _Campagne de Ramsès-le-Grand (Sésostris) contre les Schéta et leurs alliés. Manuscrit hiératique appartenant à M. Sallier à Aix en Provence. Notice sur ce MS._ Paris, 1835, 8.

[184] I am indebted for this valuable present to an English lady, Miss Westcar, who had deposited it a long time ago in the _Bodleian Library_, Oxford. It contains nine sides, of which, unhappily, the first four are very much destroyed. The remainder, also, is very hastily written, and is therefore difficult to decipher. It appears to be poetical, and to be addressed to a king, whose name unfortunately is lost; the example “of his ancestors,” _Chufu_, _Snefru Ser_, &c. is held up to him.

[185] 1 Kings vi. 1.

[186] Exodus xii. 40.

[187] Ant. viii. 3, 1: 592; c. Ap. ii. 2: 612 years.

[188] Gen. xv. 13; compare Ap. Hist. 7, 6.

[189] Gal. iii. 17.

[190] Ant. ii. 15, 2; viii. 3, 1. Compare c. Ap. i. 33, where he calculates 170 years from Joseph to Moses.

[191] Isaac was 40 years old when he married Rebecca; Moses is 40 years old when he goes to Midian; at 80 years of age he leads the people out of Egypt, and dies at the age of 120.

[192] Contra. Ap. i. 26.

[193] Manetho had only related that the Hyksos were expelled in the reign of Tuthmosis. It is the opinion of Josephus alone that they were the Jews.

[194] Compare Exodus xxxiv. 12, 13.

[195] Gen. xvi. 3; xxi. 21.

[196] Gen. xli. 45.

[197] Numb. xii. 1.

[198] Exodus xii. 38. Compare Numbers xi. 4.

[199] p. 760, 824.

[200] C. Ap. ii. 3. Compare Tacit. _Hist._ v. 2. _Aethiopum prolem._

[201] Gen. xlvi. 34.

[202] Numbers xii. 10.

[203] Exodus iv. 6.

[204] Exodus ix. 3, 9.

[205] The Persians also knew no other way of protecting themselves against this infectious disease of the λέπρη ἢ λεύκη than by driving those who were attacked by it out of the town, and if they were _strangers_, out of the country. _Herod._ i. 138.

[206] Plut. _de Is._ c. xxxiii.

[207] Champollion, _Panthéon_, pl. xxxviii.

[208] 1 Kings xii. 2, 28, 30, 32; 2 Kings x. 29.

[209] Exod. i. 11.

[210] Similar perhaps to the command of Pharaoh to drown the Hebrew boys.

[211] Exod. i. 10.

[212] This number, which differs from the one in the original, was inserted by the Author, April, 1853.—TR.

[213] Bunsen. _Ægypten._ Bd. i. p. 227. (Tr. vol. i. p. 184.) But compare Bd. iii. p. 109, where this opinion appears to be already modified.

[214] Tatian. _Paraen ad Græc._ p. 129 (Oxon). Clemens Alex. _Strom._ i 21, p. 138. Justin Martyr ad Græc. p. 10, E.

[215] Justin Martyr. Africanus in Eusebius. _Præp. Evang._ x. 10. Clemens Alex.

[216] Compare the passages of Justin and Africanus.

[217] Contra. Ap. i. 15.

[218] p. 63, B; 123, D.

[219] Euseb. Armen. Canon, vol. ii. p. 105. Aucher.

[220] According to Gen. xii. 4.

[221] _Hist._ v. 2.

[222] Manetho, p. 192, 325.

[223] _Gesch. Isr._ ii. p. 69.

[224] _Ægypten_, i. p. 127, 234. (Tr. vol. i. p. 91.)

[225] _Anecd. græca_, Paris, ed. Cramer, vol. ii. p. 174.

[226] They are cited by Gesenius. _Thesaur. ling. hebr._ p. 1297.

[227] _De la géographie comparée et de l’ancien état des côtes de la mer rouge_, in the _Description de l’Eg._ ed. Panckoucke, vol. vi. p. 316.

[228] _Mémoires sur l’Eg._ p. 126.

[229] _Gesch. d. V. Isr._ ii. p. 53.

[230] C. Apion. i. 14, 26.

[231] Joseph, c. Ap. i. 14.

[232] Euseb. _Chron._ in Aucher. vol. i. p. 224.

[233] Africanus in Syncellus, p. 61, B, &c.

[234] p. 804.

[235] iv. 5. 53.

[236] ii. 107.

[237] Jos. c. Ap. i. 15.

[238] i. 57.

[239] Diodor. i. 57.

[240] Herod. ii. 141.

[241] Herod. ii. 154. Compare Diod. i. 67.

[242] Herod. iii. 10, 11.

[243] Diod. xvii. 48. Arrian. iii. 1.

[244] Strab. p. 756, 760, 781.

[245] p. 803.

[246] _Gesch. des Volkes Isr._ i. p. 451.—‎‏עַבָרִים‏‎, _Abarim_, is also a Palestinian name. Numb. xxvii. 12; Deut. xxxii. 47, 49, &c.

[247] The supposition of Larcher in Herd. t. viii. p. 62; Champollion, _L’Eg. sous les Phar._ ii. p. 91; and Gesenius, _thes. l. hebr._ p. 1297, that Αὔαρις is connected by its sound with Ἡρώ (see below on Heroonpolis) has not even a semblance in itself, even if it were geographically admissible.

[248] Bd. i. p. 328.

[249] Gesch. Isr. Bd. i. p. 290, 291.

[250] _Mém. sur l’Eg._ p. 124.

[251] Hérod. t. viii. p. 62, 429.

[252] _L’Eg. sous les Phar._ t. ii. p. 90.

[253] _Thes. l. hebr._ p. 1297.

[254] In his map of the Delta.

[255] Joseph. c. Ap. i. 26.

[256] Apollodor. i. 6, 3.

[257] Herod. iii. 5.

[258] Apollon. Rhod. ii. 1215.

[259] [This reading is now adopted also by the last eminent editor of Stephanus, Meineke (tom. i. p. 559).]

[260] 𓊃𓐰𓏏𓁣, Set, is the common hieroglyphical name of Typhon.

[261] Joseph. c. Ap. i. c. 32.

[262] Gen. xlvi. 28.

[263] xvii. p. 804.

[264] Rozière, in the _Descr. de l’Eg._ vol. vi. p. 257, &c.

[265] Ptolem. V. 17. 1. Plin. H. N. V. 11, § 65.

[266] iv. 5. According to other manuscripts, 29° 50′.

[267] Wilkinson, _Modern Egypt and Thebes_, vol. i. p. 311, there only heard the name of _E’ Saqieh_, “the Water-wheel;” but my friend and fellow-traveller, H. Abeken, who was also on the spot, confirmed me in the name which Robinson gives in his map (_Abu Keischeib_). The French scholars, on the contrary, write _Abou Keycheyd_.

[268] _Mém. sur l’Eg._ i. p. 166.

[269] _L’Eg. sous les Phar._ ii. p. 89.

[270] _Descr. de l’Eg._ xi. p. 378.

[271] _Antiq. Jud._ ii. 7, 8.

[272] p. 75, ed. Parthey and Pinder (p. 170, Wess).

[273] _Mém. sur l’Eg._ t. i. p. 151, &c.

[274] Herod. ii. 158.

[275] Plin. H. N. V. ix. 9.

[276] S. Wilkinson, _Eg. and Thebes_, vol. i. p. 311.

[277] In his _Mémoire sur les anciennes limites de la mer rouge_, in the _Descr. de l’Eg._ t. xi. (Panck.) p. 371, &c.; and in the _Notice sur le séjour des Hébreux en Egypte_, t. viii. p. 112, &c.

[278] p. 768.

[279] p. 767.

[280] Strabo, ii. p. 85, 86, &c.

[281] The first imperfect copy is in the _Descr. de l’Eg. Antiq._ vol. v. pl. 29, No. 6-8. The best is given by Wilkinson in his _Materia Hieroglyphica_, Append. No. 4.

[282] King Ramses was therefore just as much the local god of the town Ramses, as the god Hero of the town Hero.

[283] ii. 158. Compare iv. 42.

[284] _Meteorolog._ i. 14, p. 352, b (Bekk).

[285] i. 33.

[286] p. 38, p. 804. Compare p. 780.

[287] _Hist. Nat._ vi. 29, § 165-167.

[288] iv. 5.

[289] _L’Isthme de Suez_, in the _Révue des Deux Mondes_, _livr. du 15 Juill. 1841_.

[290] Herod. ii. 102.

[291] The height of the Red Sea was discovered to be 30 feet 6 inches above the level of the Mediterranean Sea. [By the very latest investigations the difference of 30 feet, which was formerly accepted, has been reduced to 3 feet.]

[292] _Descr. de l’Eg._ Atlas, pl. 23, 31.

[293] ii. 158, iv. 42.

[294] Herod. ii. 159.

[295] _Descr. de l’Eg._ (Panck.) _Ant._ vol. viii. p. 27, &c. Compare