HERNANDO CORTES’S LETTERS.
[Sidenote: 1880.]
All this talk about Asia interested the children in the old geography of Asia. They could see, by the map in Col. Yule’s book, how very vague the notion of the eastern shore of Asia was. Marco Polo had sailed down that shore; in fact, he came home that way.
“But,” said Tom Rising, “he knew no more about it than I knew of Cape Ann and the Isle of Shoals, after I went from Boston to Mount Desert in a steamer.”
“Exactly,” said Horace Feltham, “but you knew that there was no land where you sailed over water, and Marco Polo knew the same.”
Then Uncle Fritz showed them a droll old map of the world made by Fra Mauro, from the results of Marco Polo’s discoveries. The southeast shore of Asia had a very suspicious curve, and Africa and Hindostan and the other peninsulas were all squeezed into the same curve. He explained to the children that this was done so that the whole of the three Continents, which we call the Eastern Hemisphere, might be brought up on one round plate, with Jerusalem for the centre.
“And this was the Asia that Columbus was looking for,” said Tom Rising.
“Yes, and this was the Asia Columbus thought he had found.
“He thought so, probably, till he died, and for a generation other men thought so. It seems certain now that the coast of our own United States was put down on the maps before it was really discovered. It is doubtful how far the Cabots traced it. It is wellnigh certain that the supposed discovery by the Verrazzani was all a lie. They found people living stark naked early in March in the latitude of our New Jersey; they found odorous palms and laurels in the same place at the same time; wild roses and lilies in bloom. This is indeed ‘a lie with a circumstance.’
“But all the same the coast of the United States was on the maps, without any Cape Cod, without any Hudson River, without any Chesapeake Bay. It is now supposed that, after Florida was discovered on the south, and the regions around Newfoundland on the north, the geographers were so certain that this was the Asiatic coast of Marco Polo, that they drew it boldly in.”
When Uncle Fritz had explained this to the children, he made Sybil trace the true eastern line of Asia, and compare it with the true eastern line of America, and they were surprised and amused to see how much they resembled each other.
[Sidenote: 1534.]
“When Cortes discovered California,” said Uncle Fritz, “he gave it that name because in a romance of that time, called Esplandian, there was an island called California, inhabited by Amazons, in the east of Asia. Cortes thought he had struck the east of Asia. He thought California was an island, and so he put California down on the map. And it has stayed there long after everybody forgot the romance,--except Don Quixote, and me.”
Some of the children said they liked Cortes better than they did Pizarro.
“And well you may,” said Uncle Fritz. “Neither of them were Christian gentlemen of the type of the nineteenth century. But Cortes was, in every regard, much more of a man than Pizarro. And, of all the numerous accounts of his marvellous adventures, none are better written than those by himself.”
“If only,” cried Clem Waters, “he had written in English! I am always groaning about that.”
This was a constant complaint of Clem’s. But Uncle Fritz told him that in this case his difficulty was solved. Cortes’s letters to the sovereign have now all been translated. They were found in one receptacle or another, in different depositories in Europe, for Charles V. was here or there or everywhere. But now six of them have been found, and have been translated.
He sent Bob for the different editions of Cortes’s letters to the sovereign, and, partly guided by Uncle Fritz’s marks and suggestions, the children read the following passages:--
EXTRACT FROM CORTES’S THIRD AND FOURTH LETTERS.
[Sidenote: 1520.]
The next day, after mass, I sent a messenger to the town of Vera Cruz to carry the good news that the Christians were alive, and that I had entered the city, which was quiet. The messenger returned in half an hour after his departure, covered with bruises and injuries, crying aloud that all the Indians of the city were in arms, and that they had raised the bridges; and soon after an attack was made upon us by so great a multitude of people on all sides, that neither the streets nor the roofs of the houses were visible on account of the crowd, from whom proceeded the most violent outcries and terrible shouts that could be conceived. Stones thrown by slings fell in such numbers upon the garrison that it seemed as if they came down like rain from the clouds; and darts and arrows were so thick that the houses and squares were filled with them, and almost prevented our walking about. I sallied forth at two or three different points, where they were engaged stoutly with our men; and at one time, when a captain had led forth two hundred men, they fell upon them before he had time to form them in order, and killed four of their number, besides wounding the captain and several others. I was also wounded, and many of the Spaniards who were with me engaged in another quarter. We destroyed few of the enemy, because they took refuge beyond the bridges, and did us much injury from the roofs of houses and terraces, some of which fell into our possession and were burned. But they were so numerous and strong, and so well defended and supplied with stones and other arms, that our whole force was not sufficient to take them, nor to prevent the enemy from attacking us at their pleasure.
The attack on the fortress or garrison was made with such violence that they succeeded in setting fire to several parts of it, and a considerable portion of it was burned without our being able to prevent it, until we cut away the walls and levelled a portion of the building with the ground, by which we obstructed the progress of the fire and extinguished it. And had it not been for the great caution that I used in posting musketeers, archers, and several pieces of artillery, they would have scaled our walls in broad daylight without our being able to resist them. Thus we fought all that day until the darkness of night enveloped us, and even then they continued to assail us with noises and alarms till daylight. That night I directed the breaches caused by the fire to be repaired, together with all other parts of the garrison that seemed to require it; and I arranged the quarters, determining who were to remain in them the next day, and who were to be engaged without; at the same time I caused suitable care to be taken of the wounded, who amounted to more than eighty in number. As soon as it was daylight, the enemy renewed the combat with still greater vigor than the day before, for the number of them was so immense that there was no need of levelling the guns, but only to direct them against the mass of Indians. And although the fire-arms did much injury, for we played off thirteen arquebuses besides matchlocks and cross-bows, they produced so little impression that their effect scarcely seemed to be felt; since where a discharge cut down ten or twelve men, the ranks were instantly closed up by additional numbers, and no apparent loss was perceived. Leaving in the garrison a sufficient force for its defence, and as large as I could spare, I sallied forth with the rest, and took from the enemy several bridges, setting fire to a number of houses and destroying the people who defended them; but they were so numerous, that although we did them much injury, the effect was still imperceptible. Our men were compelled to fight all day long without cessation, while the enemy were relieved at intervals by fresh forces, and still had a superabundance of men. But we had none of our Spanish force killed on this day, although fifty or sixty were wounded, and we continued the contest till night, when we withdrew wearied into the garrison. Seeing the great mischief done us by the enemy in wounding and slaying our people, while they were either unharmed, or if we caused them any loss, it was immediately repaired by their great numbers, we spent all that night and the next day in constructing three engines of timber, each of which would contain twenty men, covered with thick plank to protect them from the stones that were thrown from the terraces of houses. The persons to be conveyed in the machines were musketeers and archers, together with others provided with spades, pickaxes, and bars of iron, to demolish the barricades erected in the streets and pull down the houses. While we were building these machines, the enemy did not cease their attacks; and so resolute were they, that when we sallied forth from our quarters they attempted to enter them, and we had trouble enough to resist their progress. Montezuma, who was still a prisoner (together with his son and many other persons of distinction, who had been secured at the beginning of operations), now came forward and requested to be taken to the terrace of the garrison, that he might speak to the leaders of his people and induce them to discontinue the contest. I caused him to be taken up, and when he reached a battlement projecting from the fortress, and sought an opportunity to address the people who were fighting in that quarter, a stone thrown by some one of his own subjects struck him on the head with so much force that he died in three days after. I then gave his dead body to two Indians who were amongst the prisoners, and taking it upon their shoulders they bore it away to his people; what afterwards became of it I know not. The war, however, did not cease, but increased in violence and desperation every day. On the same day a cry was heard in the quarter where Montezuma had been wounded, some of the enemy calling to me to approach there, as certain of their captains wished to confer with me. I accordingly did so, and we passed amongst them; when, after a long parley, I asked them to discontinue their attacks, since they had no good reason for it, having received many benefits from me, and having always been treated well. Their answer was, that I must depart and leave the country, when the war would immediately cease; otherwise they were all resolved to die, or to destroy us. This they did, as it appeared, to induce me to leave the fortress, that they might cut us off at pleasure on our departure from the city, when we were between the bridges. I answered them that they need not suppose I asked for peace from fear, but that I was pained to be under the necessity of injuring them and destroying so fine a city as theirs. They replied that they should not cease their attacks until I departed from the city.
After the engines were completed, immediately on the following day, I sallied forth to gain possession of certain terraces and bridges; and placing the engines in front, they were followed by four pieces of artillery, with many bowmen and shield-bearers, and more than three thousand native Tlascalans, who had come with me as auxiliaries, subordinate to the Spanish troops. Having reached a bridge, we brought the engines near to the walls of the terraces, together with scaling-ladders, by means of which we ascended them. But the multitude of people was so great that defended the bridge and the terraces, and such showers of heavy stones were thrown from above, and the movements of the engines were disconcerted, and a Spaniard killed and many others wounded, without our being able to make any progress, although we struggled hard for it, and fought from morning till mid-day, when we returned sad enough to our quarters.
The enemy were so much encouraged by this unsuccessful movement on our part, that they advanced almost to our doors, and took possession of the great temple, to the loftiest and most considerable tower of which nearly five hundred Indians, apparently persons of rank, ascended, taking with them a large supply of bread, water, and other provisions, and a great quantity of stones. Most of them were armed with lances of large size, having points formed of flint, broader and not less sharp than ours; and from this position they did much mischief to the people in the garrison, as it was very near. The Spanish soldiers attacked this tower two or three times, and attempted to ascend it; but it was very lofty, and the passage up difficult on account of its having more than a hundred steps, and those above were well supplied with stones and other means of defence, and favored by our not having succeeded in gaining possession of the neighboring terraces; in consequence of these circumstances, every time our soldiers attempted the ascent, they came rolling down, many of them severely wounded; and the other portions of the enemy’s force, seeing this, took courage, and penetrated to the very garrison without fear. Being sensible that if they continued their assaults while in possession of the tower, besides doing us much harm, they would be encouraged in the prosecution of the war, I sallied forth from the garrison, although lame in my left hand from a wound I had received in the engagement on the first day; and having tied a shield to my arm, I advanced to the tower, attended by a number of Spanish soldiers, and caused it to be surrounded at its base by a sufficient number of men, as was quite practicable. This precaution was not a useless one, as the troops stationed around the tower were attacked on all sides by the enemy, who increased in numbers to favor those within; in the mean time I began to ascend the stairs, followed by certain Spaniards. While they who were above disputed the ascent with great courage, and even overturned three or four of my followers, by the aid of God and his glorious Mother, for whose house this tower had been designated, and whose image had been placed in it, we succeeded in ascending, and engaged with the enemy on the upper area, until I compelled them to leap down to a lower terrace that surrounded it, one pace in width. Of these terraces the tower had three or four, about sixteen feet one above the other. Some of the enemy fell to the very bottom, who, besides the injury received from the fall, were slain by the Spanish soldiers stationed around the base. Those who remained on the upper terraces fought so desperately that we were more than three hours engaged with them before they were all despatched; thus all perished, not one escaping. And your sacred Majesty may be assured that so arduous was the attempt to take this tower, that if God had not broken their spirits, twenty of them would have been sufficient to resist the ascent of a thousand men, although they fought with the greatest valor, even unto death. I caused this tower and the others within the temple to be burned, from which they had removed the images we had placed in them.
The fierceness of the enemy was somewhat abated by the capture of this position; and while they relaxed their exertions throughout the city to a considerable degree, I directed my attention to the neighboring terrace, and called to the chiefs who had before conferred with me, but were now somewhat dismayed by what they had witnessed. They immediately appeared, when I said to them that they saw their inability to maintain their ground; that we should every day do them much injury, destroy many lives, burn and lay waste the city; and that we should persevere until nothing was left of it or them. They answered, that they were well aware much harm would befall them, and that many of them would lose their lives; but that they were still determined to make an end of us, even if they should all perish in the attempt; that I might see how the streets, public squares, and terraces were filled with people, who were so numerous that they had made a calculation that if twenty-five thousand of them should fall to one of ours, we would be first exterminated, so small was our number compared with theirs; that all the causeways leading to the city had been destroyed (which was so far true that only one of them remained), and thus we had no way of escape but by water; that they knew well we had few provisions and but little fresh water, and that ere long we should perish with hunger, even if they did not kill us. They were, indeed, quite right in saying that had we nothing else to contend with, hunger and want would soon put an end to our lives. We exchanged many other words, each party sustaining his own side. As soon as it was dark, I sallied forth with a number of Spaniards, and as I found the people were taken by surprise, we obtained possession of one street, in which we burned more than three hundred houses. While the enemy were assembling in that quarter in its defence, I speedily turned into another street, where I also burned several houses, especially certain terraces that adjoined our quarters, from which we had experienced much annoyance. Thus the events of that night struck great terror into the enemy; and during the same night I caused the engines, that had created confusion in our ranks the day before, to be repaired and got in readiness.
The next morning, in order to follow up the victory God had granted us, I sallied forth at break of day into the same street where they had routed us the day before, and I found the enemy not less prepared for defence than they were on the former occasion. But as our lives and honor were now at stake, and as that street led to a causeway that remained unbroken,[11] extending to the main land, although interrupted by eight bridges very large and high, and the street itself was filled with lofty terraces and towers; we put forth so much resolution and spirit that, with the aid of our Lord, we secured that day four of the bridges, and burned all of the terraces, houses, and towers, as far as the last of these bridges. They had erected during the previous night, on all the bridges, many strong breastworks of unburnt bricks and clay, so that neither the guns nor the cross-bows made any impression on them. We filled up the space occupied by the four bridges with the unburnt bricks and the earth from the breastworks, together with a great quantity of stones and timber from the burnt houses, although this was not effected without danger, and many Spaniards were wounded. The same night I used much precaution in guarding the bridges, lest the enemy should succeed in recovering them.
The next day in the morning I made another sally from our quarters, and God gave us again success and victory, although the enemy appeared in great numbers, and defended the bridges, protected by strong entrenchments and ditches which they had formed during the night; we took them all, and covered them up; and some of our horsemen followed at the heels of the fugitives in the heat of victory, and pursued them to the main land. While I was employed in repairing the bridges and filling them up, messengers came to me in great haste, reporting that the enemy had attacked the garrison, and at the same time had sued for peace, several of their leaders being in waiting to see me. I immediately went with two horsemen to see what they wanted. These men assured me that if I would engage not to punish them for what they had done, they would raise the blockade, replace the bridges that had been destroyed, and restore the causeways, and that hereafter they would serve your Majesty as they had before done. They also requested that I would bring them a priest of theirs whom I had taken prisoner, who was, as it were, the commander-in-chief of their religion. He came and addressed them, and brought about an arrangement between me and them; and it appeared that they immediately despatched messengers to inform the captains and the people who were in the camp that the attacks on the garrison and all other offensive operations should cease. Upon this being done we took leave of them, and I went to the garrison to procure some food.
While I was beginning to take some refreshment, information was brought me in great haste that the Indians had attacked the bridges which we had taken the same day, and had killed certain Spaniards. God only knows with what feelings I received this intelligence, since I had thought that we had nothing more to trouble us after having gained the possession of the avenue leading out of the city. I mounted in the greatest possible haste, and galloped the whole length of the street, followed by a few horsemen; and without stopping a moment I dashed in amongst the Indians, and put them to flight whilst I regained the bridges, and pursued them to the main land. As the infantry were wearied, wounded, and panic-struck, they did not follow me, and I saw the dangerous situation in which I was placed from being unsupported by them. On this account, after having passed the bridges, when I sought to return I found them in possession of the enemy, and sunk to a great depth where we had filled them up; and both sides of the causeway were covered with people, on the land and water, who galled us with stones and arrows to such a degree that if God had not been pleased to interpose mysteriously in our behalf, it would have been impossible for us to escape thence; and, indeed, it was rumored amongst the people in the city that I was dead. When I reached the last bridge next the city I found all the cavalry that had accompanied me fallen in, and one horse without a rider; and as in this situation I could not pass, I rushed alone against the enemy, and thus opened a passage by which the horsemen could extricate themselves. After this I found the bridge free and passed over, although with some trouble, as I had to leap my horse in one place nearly six feet from one side to the other; but as I and my horse were well protected by armor the enemy did us no harm more than to cause our bodies a little pain.
Thus the enemy that night came off victorious, having regained four of the bridges. The other four I left well guarded, and returned to the garrison, where I constructed a bridge of timber that could be carried by forty men. Seeing the dangerous situation in which we were now placed, and the very serious injury that the Indians were doing us every day; and fearing that they would also destroy the remaining causeway, as they had done the others, and when that was effected death would be our inevitable fate; and moreover, having been often entreated by all my companions to abandon the place, the greater part of whom were so badly wounded as to be disabled from fighting, I determined to quit the city that night. I took all the gold and jewels belonging to your Majesty that could be removed and placed them in one apartment, where I delivered it in parcels to the officers of your Highness, whom I had designated for this purpose in the royal name; and I begged and desired the alcaldes, regidores, and all the people, to aid me in removing and preserving this treasure; I gave up my mare to carry as much as she could bear; and I selected certain Spaniards, as well my own servants as others, to accompany the gold and the mare, and the rest the magistrates above mentioned and myself distributed amongst the Spaniards, to be borne by them. Abandoning the garrison, together with much wealth belonging to your Highness, the Spaniards and myself, I went forth as secretly as possible, taking with me a son and two daughters of Muteczuma[12] and Cacamacin, cacique of Aculuacan, with his brother, whom I had appointed in his place, and several other governors of provinces and cities that I had taken prisoners.
Arriving at the bridges (now broken up) which the Indians had left, the bridge that I carried was thrown over where the first of them had been, without much difficulty, as there was none to offer resistance, except some watchmen who were stationed there, and who uttered so loud cries, that before we had arrived at the second an immense multitude of the enemy assailed us, fighting in every direction, both by land and water. I sallied across with great speed, followed by five horsemen and a hundred foot, with whom I passed all the (broken) bridges swimming, and reached the main land. Leaving the people who formed this advance party, I returned to the rear, where I found the troops hotly engaged; it is incalculable how much our people suffered, as well Spaniards as our Indian allies of Tascaltecal, nearly all of whom perished, together with many native Spaniards and horses, besides the loss of the gold, jewels, cotton cloth, and many other things we had brought away, including the artillery. Having collected all that were alive, I sent them on before, while with three or four horse and about twenty foot that dared to remain with me, I followed in the rear, incessantly engaged with the Indians, until we at length reached a city called Tacuba (Tlacopan), beyond the causeway, after encountering a degree of toil and danger, the extent of which God only knows. As often as I turned against the enemy, I met a shower of arrows and darts and stones, and there being water on both sides, they assailed us without exposing themselves, and without fear; for when we attacked them on the causeway, they immediately leapt into the water, receiving little hurt, except some few, who, when the multitude was so great as to trample upon one another, fell and perished. Thus with great labor and fatigue I brought off all this portion of our force without any of the Spaniards or Indians being wounded or slain, except one of the horse that had gone with me to the rear, where they fought with no less fury than in front or on the flanks, although the hottest part of the fight was in the extreme rear, where our men were constantly exposed to fresh attacks from the inhabitants of the city.
Having reached the city of Tacuba, I found all our people gathered together in the square, not knowing where to go; I gave immediate directions to march into the country, before the inhabitants should collect in greater numbers in the city, and that they should take possession of the terraces, as the enemy would be likely to do us much injury from them. Those who had led the van, saying that they knew not in which direction to leave the city, I bade them remain with the rear, while I took command of the van until I had led them out into the open fields, where I waited till the rest came up. When the rear arrived, I saw that they had suffered some loss, and that they had left on the road much gold, which the Indians had seized. I remained there until all our people had arrived, closely pursued by the enemy. I kept the enemy at bay until the infantry had taken possession of a hill on which there was a tower with a strong building, which they took without suffering any loss, and I maintained my position, not suffering the enemy to advance, until the hill was taken;[13] and God only knows the toil and fatigue with which it was accomplished; for of twenty-four horses that remained to us, there was not one that could move briskly, nor a horseman able to raise his arm, nor a foot-soldier unhurt who could make any effort. When we had reached the building, we fortified ourselves in it; and the enemy invested it, remaining till night without allowing us an hour of rest.
In this defeat it was ascertained that one hundred and fifty Spaniards lost their lives, together with forty-five mares and horses, and more than two thousand Indians, our auxiliaries; amongst the latter were the son and daughters of Muteczuma, and the other caciques whom we had taken prisoners. The same night[14] about midnight, thinking that we were not perceived, we sallied forth from the building very secretly, leaving in it many lighted fires, without knowing our route, nor where to go, except that one of the Tascaltecal Indians who guided us promised to lead us to his country, if the enemy did not embarrass the route. But guards had been stationed around who noticed our movements, and gave the alarm to the multitudes of people dwelling in that vicinity, of whom great numbers were collected, who pursued us until daylight, when five horsemen who went before as runners attacked some squadrons of people on the road, and killed a number of them; these fled, supposing that there was a greater number of horse and foot than appeared. When I saw that the number of the enemy was increasing on all sides, I made a disposition of our force, and out of those remaining unhurt I formed squadrons, and placed them in front and rear, and on the flanks; I put the wounded in the centre; and I also arranged the position of the horse. During the whole of that day we were engaged in fighting in every direction, so that during the whole night and day we did not advance more than three leagues. It pleased our Lord when the night came to show us a tower and a good house on a hill, where we entrenched ourselves; and that night the enemy left us undisturbed, except that near the dawn of day there was a sudden alarm that only sprung from the constant apprehension we all had of the multitude of people that was continually at our heels.
“You see,” said Uncle Fritz, “that it was not all sunshine with Cortes. Now you shall read something of his resource as an explorer.”
EXTRACT FROM CORTES’S FIFTH LETTER.
[Sidenote: 1520.]
One day the idea struck me that by following down the river of that village I might perhaps come to the other large river that empties itself in the sweet gulfs, where I had left my brigantine, as well as my boats and canoes. I consulted the matter with some of the prisoners of that village, and they all seemed to agree in saying that the two rivers communicated; but as they did not understand us well, and they spoke a language totally different from those we had hitherto met, no great reliance could be placed in their information. Through signs, however, and aided by a few words in that language which I understood, I begged that two of them should accompany ten of my Spaniards, and show them the meeting of the two rivers. This they promised to do, adding that the place was near at hand, and that they would be back on the next day. And so it was, for God permitted that after marching two leagues through very fine orchards, full of cacao and other fruit trees, they should guide my men to the banks of that large river, which they said communicated with the gulf, where my shipping was. They even went so far as to say that the river’s name was Apolochic, and that they had often navigated it. On their return, the next day, I asked them how many days it would take a canoe to go down the river to the gulfs, and having answered me that five days were sufficient to accomplish the journey, I determined upon sending thither two Spaniards, accompanied by one of the guides, who offered to take them by crossroads known to him to the very spot on the gulf where my ships were. I gave my men instructions to have the brigantine, boats, and canoes taken to the mouth of that large river, and that, leaving the vessel behind, they should try with one of the canoes and a boat to ascend the river to the spot where the other one joined it. This being done, and the men despatched on their errand, I ordered four rafts to be constructed with pieces of timber and very large bamboos, capable of supporting forty faneagues or bushels of dried maize, and ten men each, without counting a quantity of beans, peppers, and cacao, which each Spaniard afterwards threw into it for his own private supply. The rafts being made, after eight days’ hard work, and the provisions placed on them, the Spaniards I had sent to the brigantine came to me and said that, after ascending the river during six consecutive days, they had found it impossible for the boat to go on, and had left it behind with ten Spaniards to guard it; that, prosecuting their journey with the canoe, they had arrived at a place, about one league down the river, where, worn out by fatigue, and unable to use their oars, they had left it hidden among the bushes; that on their way up the river they had met Indians, and fought occasionally with them, and although they were then few in number, they had reason to fear that they would come back in force, and wait for their return. I immediately sent people to look out for the canoe, and bring it alongside of the rafts; and having placed on these all the provisions we had collected, chose among my people those who were most capable of directing those rafts, and avoiding by means of great poles the many floating timbers and gigantic trees with which the bed of the river was covered, and which rendered the navigation extremely dangerous. The remainder of my people, under a captain appointed for the purpose, I sent to the gulf by the same route which we had followed in coming up to Chacujal, with instructions that if they arrived before me they were to wait at the place of our landing until I should come for them, and that if, on the contrary, I was before them on the spot, I would not move until they came. As to myself, I embarked in the canoe with only two cross-bow men, the only ones disposable in all my suite. Though the journey I was about to undertake was exceedingly dangerous, owing to the impetuosity and strength of the current, as well as the almost certainty that the Indians would wait for us on our passage, I nevertheless preferred this route by water to the other by water, because our stock of provisions went this way, and I could thus watch better over it. And so, trusting myself in the hands of God, our Saviour, I began descending the river with such rapidity, owing to the strength and violence of the current, that in less than three hours’ navigation we came to the spot where the boat had been left. Here we attempted to lighten the rafts by putting part of their cargo in the boat, but it was found impracticable, for no human effort could stop the rafts, driven on as they were by a rapid current. I then embarked in the boat, and gave orders that the canoe, well fitted with good oars, should go in front of the rafts, in order to see whether any Indians lay in ambush, or whether we came to any dangerous pass in the river; I myself remaining behind with the boat ready to give assistance to the rafts, as it was clear to me that, in case of need, I might more easily help from the rear than if placed in the van. In this order we went down that river, until about sunset, when one of the rafts struck violently against a piece of timber that held fast to the bottom. So strong was the shock, that the raft was almost entirely submerged, and although the violence of the waters at that spot made it float again, half its cargo was lost. Three hours later in the night, I heard in front of us the shouting of some Indians, but not choosing to leave the rafts behind, I did not go forward to ascertain what it might be. The shouting, however, ceased, and we heard no more of it for some time. A little later in the night I again heard the shouts, at what seemed to me a shorter distance; but I could not ascertain the fact, for the canoe went, as I have said, in front, and then three of the rafts, and I followed in the rear with the fourth, which, owing to the accident sustained, could not go so fast.
In this manner we proceeded for some length of time, until we came to a turning of the river, where the current was so strong that, notwithstanding all our efforts, rafts and boat were cast on shore.
Some time before this, hearing no longer those alarming shouts, confidence had returned to my people, and I myself, taking off my helmet--for I was ill with fever at the time--had laid my head on my hand to see if I could rest. It was soon, however, ascertained that the shouting we had heard in the distance came from that particular spot, for the Indians, who knew the river well, as inhabiting its banks, and being almost born on it, had followed us for some time along the shore, knowing very well that we should be cast by the current on the very spot where they were waiting in ambush for us. No sooner, therefore, did the canoe and rafts reach the place where the Indians lay concealed than we were assailed by a volley of arrows from the shore that wounded almost every man on board; though, knowing that most of us remained still behind, the attack of the Indians was by no means so strong or furious as the one they afterwards made on us. Thus assailed, the people in the canoe attempted to come back and give me notice of the danger, but they never succeeded in porting the helm, owing to the strength of the current. When, however, it came to our turn to strike the land, the Indians gave a most terrific shout, and assailed us with such a volley of arrows and stones that not one man on board escaped without a wound. I, myself, was struck by a stone on the head, the only part of my body that was unarmed, having taken off my steel cap some time before. God, however, permitted that at the spot where this happened the banks of the river should be high and the waters deep. To this circumstance we owed our salvation; for the night being dark, some of the Indians who attempted to leap upon the rafts and boat fell into the water, and I believe that a good number of them were drowned in this way. The current itself soon extricated us from the danger, so that a few minutes after this we scarcely heard their shouts.
The rest of the night passed without encounter of any sort, though from time to time we still heard in the distance, or from the sides of the river, the Indian war-cries.
The shores, I observed, were covered with villages and plantations, and there were, besides, many fine orchards with cacao and other fruit trees.
At dawn of day we were five leagues from the mouth of that river that empties itself into the gulf, and where the brigantine was waiting for us, and about the hour of noon we arrived on the spot, so that in four-and-twenty hours we ran no less than twenty long leagues down that river.
Having given orders that the provisions on the rafts should be transferred immediately to the brigantine, I was informed, to my great disappointment, that most of the maize was wet, and that if I could not have it dried I ran a risk of losing the whole stock, whereby all the trouble we had in procuring it would have proved in vain. I immediately caused the dry maize to be put aside and stored in the brigantine, and as to that which had been spoilt by water, I had it thrown into the two boats and in two canoes, and sent it in haste to the village for the purpose of drying; the shores of that gulf being so swampy and low that there was no spot, however small, where the operation could be effectually carried on. My men, therefore, went away with the boats and canoes, but I gave them orders to send the same back to me, the brigantine and one remaining canoe being sufficient to convey all my people. Soon after their departure I set sail in the brigantine, and steered towards the place where it was agreed that I should wait for the people coming from Chacujal by land. I waited for them three days, at the end of which they all arrived in good spirits, and with no other loss but that of a Spaniard, who having eaten of some herbs he saw in the fields died almost immediately after. They also brought with them an Indian, whom they had surprised and taken prisoner near the place where I left them. This Indian was dressed differently and spoke a language unknown in these parts. I had already begun to interrogate him by signs, when a man was found among the prisoners who said he understood a little of his dialect. In this manner we learned that he was a native of Teculutlan. No sooner did I hear that name pronounced than I recollected having heard it repeated on other occasions, and when I returned to the village I consulted certain memoranda of mine, where I actually found that name written as being that of a place across the country, between which and the Spanish establishments in the South Sea, governed by Pedro de Alvarado, one of my captains, there was only a distance of seventy-eight leagues. The above memoranda further stated that the village of Teculutlan had been visited by Spaniards, and as the Indian bore also testimony to the fact, I was very much pleased at receiving such intelligence.
My people being all congregated together, and the boats not having yet returned, we consumed all the dry grain we had in store, and embarked on board the brigantine, though, the vessel being so very small, we had the greatest difficulty to move. It was my idea to cross the gulf to that village where we had landed at first, because I recollected that the maize plantations were very fine and in full grain, though not sufficiently ripe for our cutting. Five-and-twenty days had elapsed since that time, and it was to be hoped that a good deal of it was dry enough for us to keep; and it so happened; for being one morning in the middle of the gulf we saw the boats and canoes coming towards us, and, having sailed altogether in that direction, recognized the place where the village was. Immediately after landing, all my people, Spaniards as well as Indians, besides forty native prisoners, went straight forward to the village, where they found several maize plantations in the finest possible condition. The natives, if there were any at the place, not having shown themselves or made any opposition, my men reaped as much of that maize as they could, every man of us, Christian or Indian, making that day three journeys, fortunately very short, from the village to the ship, loaded with as much grain as he could carry. The brigantine being filled as well as the boats, I went to the village myself, leaving there all my people engaged in that most providential harvest; I afterwards sent to them the two boats, and one more belonging to a vessel from New Spain, and that had been lost in those waters, and four canoes. In these vessels all my people embarked, after having, as I said before, brought sufficient provision to last us all for many a day. It was, indeed, a most providential supply, and one that compensated us for all our past troubles; for had we not found it at that moment we should all have perished through hunger.
“How much of the Cortes wonders do you believe, Uncle Fritz?”
This was Horace Feltham’s question.
Uncle Fritz said that there were two sets of opinions about it. For himself, when Cortes squarely said that a thing was thus and so, he took it as probably true, with due allowance for a man’s praise of his own achievements, and for Spanish and travellers’ exaggeration.
But a great deal of what you find in the received accounts of the conquest must be set down as belonging to the same school of romance as in the same days wrote tales of chivalry or lives of saints. Especially where men do not tell what they saw themselves must you be careful when you are dealing with these Spanish authorities.