THE VOYAGE OF THE SHIP _HANNIBAL_ OF LONDON, IN 1693

It was my misfortune, as well as many others, this last war with France, in my voyage home from Venice and Zant, in the _William_ of two hundred tons and twenty guns, to fall into the clutches of three great French men of war of seventy guns each, in the soundings, about sixty leagues S.W. from Cape Clear in Ireland. There being so great an inequality in our strength, and no hopes of escaping, I thought it prudence to submit without any resistance, and not have my men killed and wounded to no purpose; for they had five hundred men each, and I but thirty in all; therefore I was forced to let might overcome right, and upon summons by a shot athwart our fore foot, from the _Crown_, of seventy brass guns, which came first up with us, to strike our ensign and become their prize.[15]

Footnote 15:

This early narrative of a slaving voyage has been abstracted from Capt. Thomas Phillips’ “Journal,” printed in Churchill’s _Collection of Voyages_, vol. VI, London, 1746.

After my return to England, I was for some time destitute of imployment, until Sir Jeffrey Jeffreys, Knt., out of his extraordinary generosity and good will to me, understanding that the ship _Hannibal_ of four hundred and fifty tons, and thirty-six guns, was to be sold, gave me orders to buy her. Having done this he was pleased to deposit the money for her presently out of his own pocket; and after, by his interest, to bring in his worthy brother, John Jeffreys, Esq.; Sam. Stanyer, Esq.; then sub-governor of the African company, and some other eminent merchants, to be part-owners with me, and then to recommend me and the ship to the Royal African Company of England; from whom, upon his account I found acceptance. Being entered into their service, on a trading voyage to Guinea, for elephant’s teeth, gold, and negro slaves; and having the needful cargoes on board wherewith to purchase them, as well as supplies of merchandise, stores, &c. for the company’s castles and factories; my business being compleated at London, I took boat for Gravesend the fifth of September in the year 1693, and got on board about eleven at night, with money to pay my men their river-pay, and one month’s pay advance-money, as per agreement.

Sunday the 10th in the morning, we broke ground from Gravesend, and drove with the ebb to the upper end of the Hope, where we chop’d to an anchor, and in the evening I went up to Gravesend.

Tuesday the 12th. This morning about three o’clock we got under sail, with a brave gale at W. At nine we were past the Nore, where we drove till one in the evening, waiting for water, at which time we bore away for the red sand, and about four got through the narrow, and at six anchored off the North Foreland, in nine fathom water.

Wednesday the 13th. At four this morning we got up our anchors, with the wind at S.W. and after several tacks, about eleven we came to an anchor in the Downs, in eight fathom water. We were detained in the Downs with every blustering weather and contrary winds until the twenty-fifth of October when the wind veering to the north, we got up our anchors, and about seven in the evening were under sail. At noon the next day we saw the isle of Wight, bearing north-west. We got our anchors up, and our ship clear for the sea, and removed two of our guns that were open in the waist into the after-ports in the great cabin.

PROSPECT OF THE CUSTOM HOUSE, LONDON, IN 1714, WITH SHIPPING OF THE PERIOD From an engraving by John Harris, in the Macpherson Collection ]

Friday the 27th. From yesterday noon till twelve this day we have had a brave topsail gale from north to north-east, steering away west. We run from four in the evening yesterday, 112′ west, by the best computation I could make, for our log-line breaking in the night, we lost our log and were forced to make guess-work. We saw many ships on all sides, but spoke with none, except one Portuguese of two-hundred tons, bound from Oporto to London, laden with wine, for some quantities of which commodity we had a great desire to traffick with him; but it blowing so hard, and night being come on, hinder’d our design, so that we bid him farewell, and left him to proceed on his voyage, as we did on ours. Unbent our cables, and clap’d on house-boards, clear’d our ship, and appointed by men their quarters in case of engaging an enemy, having seventy men belonging to the ship, and thirty-three of the African company’s passengers, for their castles in Guiney, so that we made in all, men and boys, a hundred and three.

Wednesday the first. At three this morning, the mate that had the watch came to acquaint me that they discover’d four strange ships with lights to windward of us. When I came upon deck I perceiv’d one with a light standing as we did, upon which we got our half ports off,—chests and hammocks up, and order’d every man to their several quarters, to get them clear for an engagement. About eleven, being clear day, we had all things in order, and ready for a fight, at which time I plainly saw four tall ships with all sails set standing directly with us. I am sure they were men of war of sixty and seventy guns each, as near as I could discover through my glass, but of what nation I could not tell, tho’ we had great reason to believe them French, our frigats seldom or never cruising so far to the S. and W. They stood towards us with all sails set in a line, upon which I made a signal, by hoisting and lowering my ensign four times, to give notice to Capt. Shurley of our new companions, and crowded with all sails to speak with him, he being about a mile distant upon my lee bow, and the only one of our fleet then in company, we having lost the rest last night and the night before. When I came up with him it blew so hard that we could not hear each other, tho’ we had good speaking-trumpets, therefore we were forced to endeavour to understand one another by signs, by which I perceived that he was of my opinion, that since they were so many, not to stand the brunt with them, two to one being odds at football, we being deep loaden merchant ships, and they frigats, built and fitted only for fight, but rather to go away large, and endeavour, by often varying our course, to lose them, it blowing very hard at S. and being thick dirty weather, which was likely to continue and increase, which I was not sorry for, since I do verily believe it saved us a French voyage; therefore we hal’d up our mainsails, clapt the helm aweather, and bore away under foresail and maintopsail, with two reefs in, upon the cap, W.N.W. and N.W. till nine, handed maintopsail, and went away N.W. till ten, having lost sight of the ships that pursued us e’er since we went large. At eleven, it blowing a hard storm, having very thick weather and grown sea, lest we should lose each other, Capt. Shurley brought to under a mizen; my foresail being up I went to do the like, but in haling out our mizen the strap of the sheet-block broke, so that e’er we could brail him up he was by the violence of the gale split to pieces, which occasion’d us to lower the yard down and unbend him, upon which the ship labouring much for want of sail, found it convenient to set the mainsail, and having got the tack aboard, e’er we could gather the sheet aft we split the mainsail, and were forced to hale down the yard and furl him, and bear away before the wind N. and N. by W. with only the bunt of our foresail loose. In furling our mainsail one of our seamen, John Southern, being careless of himself, fell off the yard-arm and was drown’d, which I was extremely sorry for, but it was beyond human power to save him, it blowing a mere fret of wind, and a very great sea, and having no sails to command the ship.

Tuesday the 2d. From twelve yesterday until two in the evening, we went away N. with our bare poles, running four miles an hour; at which time, having brought to a new mizen and reef’d him, we hoisted the yard and set him, and brought her to under a mizen, then unbent our mainsail that was split, and with much pains and trouble, we bent another; and having reef’d him we furl’d him; About four we furl’d our fore-sail snug, and hoisted the mizen stay-sail, to keep the ship to, and her head upon the sea, she labouring most dreadfully. At twelve last night the violence of the storm being abated, we set the main-sail, and lay under it and mizen till daylight; when having righted up the ship a little, to my great trouble and surprise, we found that our fore-mast was sprung about three feet above the partners in the forecastle; the crack being very large, and opening above an inch upon every rent of the ship, which, to see, made my heart ake; we found it likewise upon searching, to be almost rotten to the heart in that place; whereupon I sent for my officers, to consult what was most proper to be done upon this unexpected accident, and how best to secure him; but finding some of them begin to urge that there was no proceeding on so long a voyage with such a mast, and that it was convenient to bear up for Plymouth, while we were so near it, to furnish ourselves with another, I thought it convenient to quash this motion in the bud, and declar’d I was resolv’d to proceed on my voyage, though I should be forced to go with a jury-mast, rather than return again to England; and forthwith order’d my carpenters to go to work to secure him, by paying four new capston bars of good oak, and nine feet long each, round him, where he was sprung, and spike them very well, and afterwards clapt four good wooldings upon him, which I was in hopes would sufficiently secure him, we every day approaching nearer a fair weather country; and when our carpenters had done what I had order’d them, it seem’d very firm, and did not complain all the voyage after. In crowding yesterday morning with maintop-sail to speak with Capt. Shurley, upon sight of the four strange ships, we wrench’d the head of our main-mast; and this morning set some men to woold the hull of the maintop-mast, to the head of the main-mast, to keep him fast, else the cap would slue much where the head of the mast was wrung.

Saturday the 18th. This morning we found out that one of the Royal African Company’s soldiers, for their castles in Guiney, was a woman, who had enter’d herself into their service under the name of John Brown, without the least suspicion, and had been three months on board without any mistrust, lying always among the other passengers, and being as handy and ready to do any work as any of them; and I believe she had continued undiscover’d till our arrival in Africa, had not she fallen very sick, which occasion’d our surgeon to visit her, and order’d her a glister, which when his mate went to administer, he was surpriz’d at what he discovered, which occasion’d him to make a farther inquiry, which, as well as her confession, manifesting the truth of her sex, he came to acquaint me of it, whereupon, in charity, as well as in respect to her sex, I order’d her a private lodging apart from the men, and gave the taylor some ordinary stuffs to make her woman’s cloaths; in recompence for which she prov’d very useful in washing my linen, and doing what else she could, till we deliver’d her with the rest at Cape Coast castle. She was about twenty years old, and a likely black girl.

Wednesday the 22d. About four o’clock in the morning it being day-light, Pico Tenerif bore due east of us, at which time being near Oratava road, we discern’d two sail between us and the shore, one of which we perceived to be a ship, and the other seem’d a barca longa; in a short time we saw the ship standing off to us, with all sails set, whereupon we tack’d off to the N. to have time to put our ship in a posture of defence, in case she prov’d an enemy, and with all expedition got our hatch ports off, our chests and hamocks up, our close quarters up, guns and small arms all ready, and about twelve we were every way clear and ready for an engagement, at which time we furl’d our main-sail, and handed all our small sails, flung our arms, clapp’d on our stoppers, our puddings, and plattings under our parrels, and being but little wind hal’d up our fore-sail, and lay by for the ship that was so earnest to speak with us.

Thursday the 23d. From noon yesterday we had but faint small breezes of wind until three in the evening, at which time the ship that stood after us was got within random gun-shot of us, appearing a fine long snug frigate; so that now we no longer doubted but she was an enemy, therefore letting fly my colours, we fir’d a shot athwart his fore foot; upon which he shew’d an English ensign; but for all his cheat we knew what he was, and were in all kinds ready to give him his welcome, we jogging easily under our fighting sails till four, at which time, being within carbine shot of us, he run out his lower tier of guns (which I did not expect, nor was well pleased to see) nine of each side, and struck his false colours, and hoisted the French white sheet. I perceiv’d he was resolv’d to pluck a crow with me; therefore, after drinking a dram, and encouraging all, order’d all my men to their guns, to behave themselves courageously, and expected his broad-side, which when within pistol-shot, he gave us, and his volley of small shot. We return’d his civility very heartily with ours; after which he shot a-head of us, and brought to, and fell along our larboard side, and gave us his other broad-side, as we did him; then each of us loaded and fired as fast as we could, until ten o’clock at night, when his foretop mast came by the board; then he fell astern of us, and made the best of his way to lee-ward, with his boat towing a-head, and took his leave of us. We gave him a levet with our trumpets, and what guns we had loaded, to bid him farewell, being heartily glad to be rid of such a troublesome guest. I was extremely glad that by God’s assistance we defended the ship, though she was most miserably shatter’d and torn in her mast and rigging, having had eleven shot in our main mast, three quite through him, and several lodg’d in him and gaul’d him standing three or four inches deep; eight shot in our fore-mast, two quite through; our main-top shot to pieces; our main-topmast splinter’d half away; our mizen yard shot in two pieces; our sprit-sail, top-mast jack, and jack staff, shot away; our ancient staff shot by the board, so that had no colours flying most part of the ingagement but the king’s pendant, which, by authority of my letter of mart, I fought under; we had several shot through our yards, with much more too long to insert. As to the rigging, I know not how to begin or end with it, it was so tore by long bars of iron they fired; our main shrouds we were forced to knot in fourteen places, and had but one shroud standing of the larboard side when Monsieur tow’d off. We knotted our fore shrouds, in nine places; our main-top chain and main tie were shot to pieces, so that the yard hung wholly by the parrel and pudding: our stay, sheets and tacks were shot in several places; and of the running rigging few or none escaped their small shot, which flew very thick; we had not above thirty shot placed in our hull, four of which were under water; he fired very high for the most part, at our mast, yards and rigging, to bring our mast by the board, and had we had a top-sail gale, they must have all gone away; but it was our good fortune to have smooth water (a thing not common in that place), and little wind, until we had opportunity, by stoppers, preventers, knotting and splicing, to secure them indifferently. We fired low all into his hull, and loaded our low guns (which were all demiculverin) constantly with both double and round shot, and our quarter deck guns with round shot, and tin cases full of musket bullets, so that we must certainly have killed him a great many men; our three boats and booms were shot thro’ in many places; and we had a suit of sails quite spoil’d, some being shot thro’ like strainers. We had five men kill’d outright, and about thirty-two wounded; among the last was my brother, my gunner, carpenter, and boatswain; the carpenter had his arm shot off, and three others their legs; five or six of my best men were dreadfully blown up by their carelessness in laying the lighted matches among some cartridges of powder; our harper had his scull fractur’d by a small shot; the rest are but slight small shot and splinter wounds, and bruises,—and hope will do all well; our surgeon, Mr. William Gordon, being a diligent man, and an excellent artist in his profession. The fight lasted six hours, from four till ten o’clock, being all that while within pistol shot, little wind, and small water, and firing as fast as both sides could load our guns. We often gave them huzza’s during the engagement, and they would answer with _Vive le roys_; but when he towed away under our stern his note was changed, for I never heard such dreadful screeching and howling as was on board of him, so that he must needs have a great many men wounded. I judged him to be about 48 guns, and a man of war. After he left us we steered W. by S. with a small gale at N.E. and spent all the night in fixing our rigging as well as we could, to be in some posture to receive him, if he should incline to have another bout with us in the morning; but our men being tired all day, and the best of them kill’d or wounded, we could do but little, tho’ they had all the encouragement that I could give them and as much punch as they would drink. This morning, when it was light, we saw the enemy about three leagues distance, standing to the northward from us, having, I presume, had his belly-full the night before, and which, without fallacy, I was very glad of, not desiring to have any more to do with such a quarrelsome fellow.

Friday the 24th. These twenty-four hours we have spent in knotting our shrouds, and fixing our other rigging as well as we could; knotted our main shrouds in fourteen places, and the foreshrouds in nine, and after set them up very tort, to secure our poor shattered mast; we were forced to keep our chain-pump and both hand-pumps constantly going, to keep the ship free, she making a great deal of water, through the four shot holes rec’d under water, which we could not come at to stop effectually by reason of the sea. This day we lived on bread and cheese and punch, not being able to dress any meat, by reason our hearth and furnaces were shot thro’, which our armourer was about mending. We had a hogshead of brandy shot in our lazaretta, whose loss we much regretted. The poor ship looked miserably with her shot rigging dangling about, and as full of splinters as a carpenter’s yard full of chips.

Sunday the 26th. Yesterday in the evening we set up our shrouds tort again, the heat of the weather and the drawing of the knots having much slackened them; our shot mizen-yard being splic’d and fish’d, we bent a new mizen to him, and got him up and set him; we unbent our foresail (which had thirty large shot-holes thro’ him, some half-yard wide, done with the long bars of iron they fired, and innumerable musket-shot holes) and brought to another; we woolded three large crows to the foremast, to succour a great gaul about eight inches deep which he had received in the engagement, about ten foot above the forecastle; set our carpenters to work about mending the shot-holes in our bolts.

Monday the 27th. Yesterday’s evening our carpenters spent in mending the bottom of our yaul, so that now we have one boat that will swim, ready to be hoisted out upon any sudden accident of a man’s falling overboard, or the like. We kept our pumps constantly plying, to free the ship, in which the Royal African Company’s soldiers did us good service in the day-time. This morning, as soon as it was clear light, we saw a ship upon our weather bow, bearing of us S. by W. distance about a league, standing as we did; immediately we called up all hands to put the ship in a fighting posture, and in truth our men were very dextrous at it, so that we were clear for a fight in less than an hour’s time (being improved by the last engagement). In about half an hour after we were every where ready, we perceived her to hale close upon a wind, crowding with all the sail she could towards the Barbary coast. She seemed to us a good ship, and I do believe it might be Capt. Daniell in the _Mediteranean_, bound to Angola. When we saw him shun us we kept on our own course being not very desirous to force a quarrel, having so lately been well bang’d, tho’ all our men that were unwounded were very resolute to give him a rough salute, had he had any thing to say to us; he keeping still close hal’d, about twelve o’clock was out of sight. We then put our half ports on again, unflung our yards, and got off our close quarters, and set our carpenters about mending the rest of our boats. This false alarm hinder’d the paying of our tropick bottles. This day our bag-piper’s leg was cut off a little below the knee.

Saturday the 2d. From noon yesterday until six in the evening we steered along the island of St. Jago, at which time took in our small, and hal’d up our low sails, and stood to the E. off, under our topsails only, Santa Mayo then bearing E.N.E. distance five leagues. At ten we braced our fore-topsail to the mast, and lay by for daylight to get into the harbour of Praya, to rift our ship; at six in the morning made sail and stood in for the port, and about ten we got in. We rid somewhat more than a cable’s length from each shore, and about a mile from the bottom of the bay, which is fine and sandy, with a large cocoanut orchard near the water side.

Sunday the 3d. Yesterday we unbent the main-sail; and having lowered the yard, got it fore and aft, in order to splice a piece ten foot long to the starboard yard-arm, where it was broke. About three o’clock this morning got our guns over, and gave the ship a heel to port, in order to stop our leaks on the starboard side, where we received three shots under water afore the chestree. Our carpenters spent till two in the evening in stopping them, our men in the mean time giving the ship a scrub as low as they could; then we heeled the ship the other way, and found a very large shot-hole in the larboard-bow, about a foot under water. Our carpenters spent the rest of the day in stopping that, and righted the ship before night. About nine this morning I went with some of my officers to pay my respects to the governor at St. Jago town, having our trumpets in the pinnace’s head.

After we had rowed about seven miles, we came about a point into the bay near the town. We run our boat ashore right against the gate; where being landed, and seeing only a few negroes and children, our trumpets sounded a levet, which soon brought an officer down to us, who conducted us to the governor’s palace at the upper part of the town; where we saw no body but negro women, who talked to us many smutty English words, making lascivious undecent gestures with their bodies, which were all naked, excepting a little clout about their waste, hanging down to the middle of the thigh.

We were informed that the governor was at church; but our trumpets had alarmed him so, that we had not waited long ere he appeared, advancing towards us at the head of the congregation. There were two young captains and the priest accompanied him, his horse being led after him in pretty good equipage. When he was come where we were, we saluted him with our hats, which he and his company returned very courteously. Then he desir’d us to walk in, and led us thro’ a court into a large hut, with an iron balcony facing the sea, towards which it had a fine prospect. After we were seated I acquainted him we were come to pay our respects to him, and gave him an account of our voyage, and what induced us to put into his port, desiring he would permit us to furnish ourselves with what fresh water and provisions we had occasion for. He replied, That since he was perswaded we were upon an honest account, we might furnish ourselves with what e’er the island afforded; which favour I thankfully acknowledged. I fancied him all this time a little uneasy by reason he saw so many of my officers and passengers with me, and that he had an inclination to give me some treat, but that he was afraid they would devour him; therefore calling one of them to me, I whispered him to go with the rest and take a walk for an hour; which they soon did, making their excuse to the governor, that they had a desire to see the town, which he was not backward to grant them, none remaining with me but my brother.

Soon after they were gone, we had a napkin laid, and a loaf of good white bread; then he went into the next room and brought out a box of marmalad, and a square case bottle half full of Madeira wine in which he drank to me; but had it not been out of perfect civility, I had rather have pledged him in water; for it was so thick, foul and hot, that it had like to have made me commit an indecency in his excellency’s presence; but having laid a foundation of good punch in the morning aboard, it fortified my stomach so as that I had power to contain myself. Afterwards I gave him an invitation to come and dine aboard our ship, where he should find a cordial welcome, as well as all due respect. He received the invitation kindly, but assured me, that he had not been on board any ship since he had been governor there, and that if he were inclined to go, the inhabitants would lose their lives ere they would permit him, lest any harm should befal him, or tricks be put upon him, as there have been on some governors of these islands, by pirates and privateers, who when they have got them aboard, have carried them away if they did not forthwith give orders to bring them such a quantity of provisions as they demanded, for which they would pretend to give a bill of exchange payable at London, but drawn upon John-a-Nokes, or the pump at Algate, as Avery’s bill was to the governor of St. Thomas’s isle.

Monday the 4th. This day our carpenters spliced a piece to the main-yard, and clap’d two good iron hoops and two wooldings up it. We unbent our shot topsails, and brought others to the yards; fitted our shatter’d main-stay, sent the longboat for water, of which she filled sixteen punchions. We had fine weather, and a curious easy gale at N.E. In the morning I went ashore at the cod of the bay, which I found covered with ragged merchants; some with oranges, lemons, cocoa-nuts, pine apples, bananas, &c. Here one with a couple of small hens in his hand, there another with a little monkey upon his knee; a little farther, one with a goat betwixt his legs, another near him with a hog tied to his arm, and our seamen so busy trafficking with them for old ragged shirts, drawers, or any other moveables (for nothing came amiss) that the trade was very brisk and diverting. After we had pleased ourselves some time with this rag market, we walked up the hill to deliver the cheese I had promised the governor, which I intrusted with the before-named old officer, presenting himself with another. Here I met with a gentleman of the island who was come on purpose to offer to supply me with what provisions I wanted, and to take what money I could muster, and the rest in goods for it. I gave him orders for fifteen goats, ten sheep, four hogs, sixty hens, five hundred oranges, and five hundred lemons, which he promised should be ready at the seaside in the morning. The negroes here go naked, except a cloth about their middles, and a roll of linen the women wear about their heads. The cloaths they wear are of cotton, and chequered or striped with blue. I have been told they make great quantities of these cloaths to sell, being much esteemed, and a very good commodity upon the Gold Coast in Guiney; but for my part I saw none but what the women wore; neither did any body mention or offer any such to me for sale.

Tuesday the fifth. This morning, according to promise, I found the provision we had bespoke at the water-side, which we bought very reasonably, and paid for them three pounds in Spanish money which I had picked up among my officers, and the rest in muskets, coral, and painted linen. I went and took leave of the old officer, intending to go no more ashore, and about noon returned aboard, where our men were busy setting our shrouds well up fore and aft. Our carpenters had sawed a spare maintopmast we had into two halves, with which this morning they fished the foremast, which was very crazy. After having fayed and spiked the fishes, they clap’d four good wooldings upon them. We got up our low yards, and made all clear to sail next morning. Last night Thomas Cronow, an honest stout Welshman, one of our sailors, died of his wounds received in the late engagement, one of his legs being carried off about the ancle, and half his other foot by the same shot. He was rowed some distance from the ship and his body committed to the deep.

Wednesday the 6th. This morning at four we got our stream anchor and hauser aboard, then having loosed and hoisted our topsails, hove up our small bower, and stood out to sea, with the wind at N.E., a fine fresh gale.

Thursday the 7th. Yesterday in the evening we cleaned all fore and aft between decks; and having covered the gratings close with tarpaulins, we burnt three buckets of tar to keep the ship wholesome and prevent infection and distempers. We hoisted in our pinnace and yaul; and having clap’d the boat rope and a hauser upon the longboat, towed her astern. We unbent our cables, got up our anchors, clap’d on house-boards, and took up one reef in our topsails.

Saturday the 23rd. From noon yesterday we steer’d along shore for Cape Mounseradoe, with a small gale of wind. At daylight, we saw the cape, and soon after descried three vessels riding at anchor under it; one of which seem’d a large ship. We not knowing what they might be, made our ship clear, and order’d all things ready for a battle, when we perceived a boat, rowing off towards us, who having discover’d what we were, came aboard us, being the pinnace of the _East India Merchant_, Captain Shurley, my consort, who had sent her to intreat me to put in there to his assistance, he having, off the cape, had his fore-mast and fore-yard split to pieces, with a thunder-bolt, and his fore-topgallant-sail set on fire by the precedent flash of lightning. I intended to wood and water at Junco, about twelve leagues more to the E. where is a good river, and plenty of wood; but understanding this disaster that had befallen Captain Shurley, I alter’d my resolution, and made all the way I could to get into Mounseradoe road, which, with the sea breeze, I did, and about four in the evening let go my anchor in eight fathom water. We found the other two vessels to be one Gubbins, an interloper, come from Barbadoes, chiefly laden with rum, to trade for gold and slaves, of which I bought about 500 gallons of him cheap, and sold it to good advantage. The other vessel was the _Stanier_ sloop, with M. Colker on board her, who was agent of Cherborough, and came thence to trade along the coast for teeth, &c.

The people here are civil and courteous, but great beggars, the king and cappashires continually haunting us for dashes (which is their word for presents). Here is store of good rice, and cheap, which they brought us in abundance; and for our better conveniency of trading with them, as well as to lodge our carpenters that lay ashore in the nights to cut wood, we erected two tents with old sails, upon the spit of sand at the mouth of the river. The chief commodity we traded for was rice, of which I bought about five tuns, paying mostly for it in booges or cawries, which are the goods they chiefly esteem, for a pint of which we could buy 30 lb. of rice. The other goods they approved of were iron bars and red Welsh plains; but they had nothing considerable to trade with us for them. We bought some fowls of them which they call “Cocadecoes,” being not bigger than our English chickens, and eat dry. We also purchas’d some limes, wild oranges, pine apples, and two or three small goats. They had a few small elephants teeth, but not worth our regard.

The 28th came in here Capt. John Soans, in the _Jeffry_; and having supply’d himself with some wood, water, and rice, set sail again for the Bight, on Thursday the 3d of Jan. having left with me a packet of letters directed for Sir Jeffrey Jeffreys, to be forwarded to Europe, with the first conveniency. Agent Colker, set sail for Sherberow in the 5th, and Gubbins, in the Barbadoes interloper, the same morning for the Gold Coast, by whom I sent letters to the African Company’s three chief merchants at Cabo Corse Castle, signifying my agreement with the company to slave upon the Gold Coast, and bespeaking their diligence in procuring what numbers they could for me against my arrival there, with what else was needful. I was forced to stay here ten days after I had compleated my business, for Capt. Shurley to refit his ship, which at length being done, we both set sail with the morning breeze, on the 9th of Jan. 1693/4 for the coast. The negroes of this place, express’d a great affection for the English, and as much hatred to the French; two of them took Capt. Shurley’s and my name, assuring us their next sons should be called so.

Saturday the 13th. Yesterday till about four in the evening, being off the river of Sestos, we came to an anchor in nine fathom water. This morning I went ashore in my pinnace with some goods to trade, and Capt. Shurley sent his with his purser in her, being so ill that he could not go himself.

About eight miles up the river is the town where king Peter their monarch lives; but I could not spare time to go and visit him, and in truth had no great inclination to venture so far in a boat, having been informed that the negroes here are very treacherous and bloody, as some of our European traders have found to their cost. The goods in demand here are brass kettles, pewter basons of several sizes, boogas or cowries, freezes, Welsh plains, red and blue, knives, &c., some of each of which we carried ashore; but they had nothing to traffick with us for them, except a few little calves teeth (for so they call the young elephants) which were not worth our notice, and which they held very dear. We bought some hens, limes, and oranges; were offer’d some rice, but much dearer than we bought at Mounseradoe, where we had supply’d ourselves.

NEGRO SLAVES FROM LOANGO, AFRICA From an engraving in Stedman’s _Narrative of an Expedition to Surinam_, London, 1796 ]

Sunday the 14th. Finding no trade to encourage our stay at Sestos, we got up our stream-anchor this morning, and set sail with a small gale at W.

Monday the 15th. From noon yesterday we steer’d along shore till two in the evening, at which time came several canoos aboard us from Sanguin river, where the Grain or Malagetta coast begins. They brought us pepper, or, as they call it, Malagetta, which is much like our Indian pepper and for ought I know, as good. It was brought in ozier baskets. I bought 1000 weight of it at one iron bar (value in England three shillings and six pence) and a dashy of a knife or two to the broker. The reason of our buying this pepper is to give it to our negroes in their messes to keep them from the flux and dry belly-ach, which they are very incident to.

Tuesday the 16th. At noon this day we were off of Wappo, whence came off to us more canoos, with Malagetta to sell, of which I bought three hundred weight for three two-pound pewter basons. We might have bought much more, but having enough for our purpose, we turn’d them ashore, and pursue’d our course.

Wednesday the 17th. Yesterday my poor brother grew very ill and delirious; and notwithstanding all the endeavours used by my own and Capt. Shurley’s doctor for his recovery, about three in the evening this day he took his leave of this troublesome world, and left me full of affliction for the loss of him. He had been sick of a malignant fever about eight days, and many of my men lay ill of the same distemper.

January the 18th. Having yesterday doubled Cape Palmas, about five in the evening we came to an anchor in nineteen fathom water, where we rode till six this morning. We got under sail, when the coffin being ready, the deceas’d was nailed up therein; and our pinnace being hoisted out, he was lower’d into her, and myself, my doctor and purser went in her to bury him, the colours of our own ship and _East-India Merchant_ being lowered half-mast down, our trumpets and drums sounding and beating, as is customary upon such melancholy occasions. We row’d the corpse about 1/4 of a mile from the ship to seaward; and the prayers of the church being read, I help’d to commit his body to the deep, which was the last office lay in my power to do for my dear brother. Then the _Hannibal_ fired sixteen guns at 1/2 minute distance of time, which was the number of years he had lived in this uncertain world; and the _East-India Merchant_ fired ten guns.

Sunday the 21st. At six we weigh’d anchor, and stood along to the east. About ten came two canoos aboard us from Caba-la-ho, and were follow’d by several others with stores of good teeth, which invited us to come to anchor; but ere the negroes in the canoos would come aboard, they required that the captain of the ship should come down the out side of the ship, and drop three drops of the sea water into his eye, as a pledge of friendship, and of safety for them to come aboard; which I very readily consented to and perform’d, in hopes of a good market for their large fair teeth, which I had a longing desire to purchase. Then they came aboard, but seeing so many men on deck, were mistrustful, and went into their canoos again. I was much concerned at their fearfulness, and with much persuasion prevailed on them to return, which they did, and having given each that came in a good coge of brandy, I shewed them some of my commodities, and they brought in some teeth. I was astonished when first they came near the ship, to hear no other speech come from them but “Qua, Qua, Qua, Qua,” like a parcel of ducks; from which I presume this teeth coast hath had the appellation of Quaquaa coast, it reaching from Cape Palmas to Bassam Picolo, where was the first gold I meet with. I have no where upon the coast met with the negroes so shy as here, which makes me fancy they have had tricks played them by such blades as Long Ben, alias Avery, who have seiz’d them and carried them away. The goods they most covet are pewter basons, the larger the better, iron bars, knives, and large screw’d pewter jugs, which they did much affect.

Saturday the 27th. At two in the evening yesterday we got up our anchors, and sailed along shore until six, when came a four-hand canoo aboard us from Bassam, assuring us of good trade of gold and slaves in the morning, if we would anchor, and that they would stay with us all night, which we permitted them, hoisting up their canoo in the tackles, and let go our anchors in fourteen fathom water. In the morning those aboard fell to trade, of whom I took thirty-six achies of gold in fatishes for pewter and iron bars.

Sunday the 28th. The negroes yesterday promised us a good trade this day if we stay’d. Accordingly this morning came aboard of me two canoos, of which I took sixteen ounces of gold in fatishes, for iron bars, pewter, and knives, viz. for one iron bar 11⁄2 achy, for a dozen of knives, one achy, for a four-pound pewter bason, one achy, with several knives for dashes to those that traded briskly. Here the negroes are not so well skilled in trade as upon the Gold Coast, for we could put the bank-weights upon them; but to leeward, on the Gold Coast, they knew our Troy weights as well as ourselves, and have weights of their own, which they compare ours with. Like-wise at this place goods yield a better price than among our factories to leeward, by reason that here they can’t supply themselves at all times as they can there; therefore when they have an opportunity of ships passing by, they buy what they want, tho’ they give a better price for it; but they have but small quantities of gold to trade with.

Wednesday the 31st. Last night I was taken with a violent racking pain the right side of my head; and Capt. Shurley being very ill of a fever, sent for Mr. Gordon, my doctor, to have his advice. On Sunday the pain in my head increased, and I was taken with a dimness in my eyes, that I could not see ten yards off, and a dizziness in my head, that I could not stand nor walk without assistance.

Wednesday the 13th, in the morning we got under sail, and having doubled Cape Apollonia, in the evening we came to an anchor at Axem in eight fathom water, about two miles from the Dutch fort. Here we had but little trade, therefore after we got aboard we weigh’d, and stood along shore till night, when anchored in 18 fathom water, a-breast the Brandenburg fort, near Cape Tres Puntar.

The 20th in the morning Capt. Shurley and I went ashore to our castle at Succandy, where we found the factor, Mr. Johnson, in his bed raving mad, cursing and swearing most wretchedly at us, not in the least knowing Capt. Shurley, tho’ he had a long former acquaintance with him. I pity’d from my soul this poor man, who had plunged himself into this condition thro’ resentment of an affront put upon him by one Vanbukeline, the copeman or merchant of the Mine-castle, which, as we were informed by his second (who was a young lad, and had been a bluecoat-hospital boy) was as follows: One Taguba, a noted negro woman in Cape Corce town, being got with child by some of the soldiers of our castle there, was brought to bed of a Malatto girl, who growing to be about 11 years old, Mr. Johnson a factor, then at Cabo Corce, had a great fancy for her, and purposed to take her for his wife (as they take wives in Guiney); and about that time he being removed to Succandy, to be chief factor, to make sure of the girl, took her there to live with him till she was of age fit for matrimonial functions, using much tenderness and kindness to her, and taking great pleasure and satisfaction in her company for two or three years. When she was grown man’s meat, and a pretty girl, Vanbukeline by bribes and presents corrupted her mother Taguba, and prevailed with her to go to Succandy, and under pretence of making a visit to her daughter, to steal her away and bring her to him, he having ordered a swift canoo to lie ready under the Dutch fort at Succandy for that end. The mother accordingly came, and having been kindly treated by Mr. Johnson, who suspected nothing, went with her daughter to take a walk, and being come near the canoo that lay perdue, the canoo men took hold of her and put her per force into it, her mother following, and carried them both away to the Mine-castle, and delivered the young one to Vanbukeline, who soon cracked that nut which Mr. Johnson had been so long preparing for his own tooth. When I dined with the Dutch general at the Mine, I saw her there, being brought in to dance before us, very fine, bearing the title of madam Vanbukeline. This, and some other old differences between that Dutchman and he, did so disturb and vex him, that it threw him into distempers, and quite turned his brain. We were entertained by the young second as well as he could; and about three in the evening we went aboard. I have been informed since my being here, that the adjacent negroes, instigated by Vanbukeline and the Dutch general, had in the night surprized and seiz’d the fort, cut Johnson the factor to pieces, and plundered all the goods and merchandise.

On the 27th in the afternoon we came to an anchor in Cape Corce road in eight fathom water, and saluted our castle with 15 guns, which they returned. The merchandise and stores we brought for the castle, we sent in our longboat as near the shore as she dare go, and the canoos came and unlade her; which being flat bottom’d, play upon the sea until they perceive a smooth, then with violence run themselves ashore, take out the goods, and launch off again. We landed out of the _Hannibal_, at this place, thirty soldiers for the company, in as good health as we received them aboard in England; but in two months time that we lay here to complete our business, they were near half dead, and scarce enough of the survivors able to carry their fellows to the grave.

The commodities that are most in demand upon the Gold Coast, are blue and red perpetuanoes, pewter basons of several sizes, from one to four pound weight, old sheets, large Flemish knives, iron bars, cases of spirits, blue sayes, if well dyed, and coral, if large and of a good colour. These goods will seldom or never fail of a good market. I also carried there on account of the African company, muskets, niconees, tapseals, baysadoes, brass kettles, English carpets, Welsh plains, lead bars, firkins of tallow, powder, etc. None of which did answer expectation, being forced to bring back to England a great part of them; and those we sold were at a very low rate.

Near the great gate of the castle is a dungeon for the confinement of heinous malefactors, such as murderers, traitors, &c. till an opportunity presents to send them into England to be tried, and receive the rewards of their villainy. Which dark apartment one of my trumpeters whose name was William Lord, hansel’d; for being ashore drinking punch with some of the inferior officers of the castle, there happened a difference between him and one of the serjeants, who gave him a challenge to meet him with his sword near the redoubt, which the trumpeter promis’d, and was as good as his word; and both lugging out, it was the serjeant’s chance to be thrust into the belly; upon which he resign’d his sword, begg’d his life, and sunk down. Upon knowledge whereof at the castle, the trumpeter was seized and clap’d into the dungeon, which as soon as I understood, I desir’d the agents that their surgeon and mine might visit the serjeant, search his wound, and consult the consequence thereof, if mortal or not, which they freely agreed to; and in about an hour after the surgeons return’d, and made their report, both concurring that it was not mortal nor dangerous, the sword having only passed about five inches, glancing into the abdomen, without going thro’ the belly, or injuring any of the entrails. Whereupon the trumpeter was releas’d; who, after thanks given the agents, immediately repair’d aboard the ship, as his best asylum, where he was out of the reach of their power.

But though he was so lucky this time, yet I suspect a halter will be his fate; for, tho’ a stout fellow, he was a most dissolute wicked wretch; and for his villainies and irregularities aboard, I was forced, at St. Thomas’s island, to clap him in irons, hands and feet, and keep him so upon my poop eight weeks till my arrival at Barbadoes, where I purpos’d to put him on board one of his majesty’s men of war that knew how to handle such refractory sparks; but upon his seeming repentance and earnest intreaty I was prevail’d upon to forbear, to my great vexation afterwards; for he soon got ashore there, and run away from my ship, concealing himself in some of the idle houses in Bridgetown, till, by his extravagancies, he had not only spent all his wages, but run so far in debt, that he could have no longer entertainment or credit; whereupon he enter’d himself on board a small New-England frigat of twenty guns, and an excellent sailer, which some Barbadoes merchants bought and mann’d, and fitted out warlikely, and brought Colonel Russell, the governor to be part-owner with them, who gave her his commission. The pretence of her voyage was for Madagascar to purchase negroes; but as I privately understood then, and since have been well assured, her design was for the Red Sea, to make the best of her market with the Mogul’s ships, which having done, and bought a few negroes for a colour, she might boldly and safely return to Barbadoes with her treasure, as long as the governor was interested, and a party concerned, and so near of kin to the English admiral. I sold a certain judge and merchant there then, a large parcel of fire-arms for her use, more than was customary or necessary for such a small vessel to carry only for her defence on a trading voyage. What became of her since I know not.

At Cabo Corce we took in part of the Indian corn ordered us for the provision of our negroes to Barbadoes, the allowance being a chest which contains about four bushels for every negro. Having landed all the castle cargo, which took us up a great deal of time, the _East-India Merchant_ and our ship having each 300 tons of goods, and no boats to load it in but our own longboats, which could not work both at the same time, and sometimes the sea so high, that we could do nothing for six or seven days together, the canoos not being able to come off to fetch the goods, which occasion’d our long stay here, together with filling our water, disposing of our windward cargo as much as we could, the castle refusing to take the remainder ashore on any terms, settling accounts with the company’s chief merchants, taking corn aboard, &c. All which having at length effected, on the 24th of April, about five in the evening, I took my leave of the company’s worthy factors here, who had heap’d upon me abundance of civilities during my stay with them, and whose candour I shall always gratefully remember, as well as that of all the honest gentlemen of our nation upon this whole coast, who endeavour’d to out-vie each other in their favours and kind entertainments of us in their several factories, being overjoy’d at our arrival, and no less troubled and concern’d for our departure. But go we must; and accordingly, after a great many reciprocal endearments, I wish’d them all a merry Christmas, and took boat, having two chests of gold for the African Company in London, with me, in her.

When we came aboard we got in the chests of gold, and hoisted our pinnace upon the booms, but were acquainted by my mate, that when he came to an anchor with the small bower in the tornado, bringing up the ship, the cable broke, so that he was forced to let go the best bower, by which we rid all night.

April the 25th. This morning we took our leave of the castle, paying our respects with fifteen guns, which they return’d, it being too late to salute them last night. About eight o’clock sent our longboat on the buoy to weigh the small bower anchor, and get him aboard, but he was so settled in the ground with the tornado, that in heaving a strain the buoy-rope broke, and the boat drove to leeward. We afterwards sent our boats with a tow-line and double-headed shot to sweep for him, but to no purpose, for they could not find him all day, therefore were forced to leave him behind. Captain Shurley got into Animabo this day, but the seeking for our anchor hinder’d us.

THE DUTCH CASTLE CORMANTINE, NEAR ANAMABOE ON THE GOLD COAST From an engraving in Ogilby’s _Africa_, London, 1670 ]

The 26th at six in the morning we hove up our best bower, and stood to the E. for Animabo. About nine o’clock we were abreast Anishen, which is a thatch’d house, where our African Company have a small factory, and lies about a league short of Animabo, where about ten o’clock we arriv’d and anchor’d in seven fathom water, about a mile and half off shore, the castle bearing N.W. which we saluted with seven guns, and were return’d the same. We moor’d our ship with ketch-anchor and hauser; and after dinner I went ashore to Mr. Searle, the factor here, to know where and when we should send for the corn assign’d us here by the chief merchants at Cape Corce, there being not enough to supply us there, and therefore we were to call for the rest at this place and Aena, to complete our quantity of 700 chests each. Mr. Searle immediately order’d what quantity he had to be deliver’d us whenever our boats came for it, and entertain’d us very lovingly till night, when Capt. Shurley and I went aboard. Animabo lies in the kingdom of Fantine and is a pretty large town; the Negro inhabitants are accounted very bold and stout fellows, but the most desperate treacherous villains, and greatest cheats upon the whole coast, for the gold here is accounted the worst, and most mix’d with brass, of any in Guinea; it lies about four leagues to the east of Cabo Corce. Our castle is pretty strong, of about eighteen guns, where we were very kindly entertain’d by Mr. Searle some days, and by Mr. Cooper at Aga on other days. Aga is a small thatch’d house, about half a mile to the east from Animabo on the sea-shore, having little or no defence except a few muskets. It has a large yard and fine pond for ducks. Mr. Cooper, the factor, who is a very ingenious young gentleman, gave us a cordial reception, having the company of his wife (as he call’d her) to dine with us, as we had of Mrs. Searl’s at Animabo, being both Mulattos, as was Mr. Ronon’s at Cabo Corce. This is a pleasant way of marrying, for they can turn them off and take others at pleasure; which makes them very careful to humour their husbands, in washing their linen, cleaning their chambers, &c. &c. and the charge of keeping them is little or nothing.

We lay at Animabo until the 2d day of May, when Captain Shurley and I having each of us got off 180 chests of corn, fill’d two boats of water, and dispos’d of what we could of the remainder of our windward cargo, we took leave of Mr. Searle and Mr. Cooper, and got up our anchors, and stood to the E. along shore about two leagues distant; and at night came to an anchor in fifteen fathom water.

May the 3d. This morning we got under sail, and stood along shore for Winiba. We had several canoos come off, which occasion’d our lying by often in hopes of trade, but found little, they wanting gold. At eight in the evening we anchor’d, lest we should out-shoot our port.

May the 4th. This morning at eight made sail, and at eleven came to an anchor at Winiba in nine fathom good ground; and having moor’d ship after dinner, went ashore to see for our canoos, which Mr. Nicholas Buckerige, the factor here, had promis’d to procure us for our use at Whidaw.

Here we got each of us one five-hand canoo, and set our canoo-men and carpenters to work to fit them with knees and timbers to strengthen them. We hal’d our long-boat ashore and trimmed him, being leaky and much worm-eaten. We fill’d some water, and cut good store of fire-wood, by the queen’s permission. This queen is about fifty years old, as black as jet, but very corpulent. We went with Mr. Buckerige to pay our respects to her under a great tree where she sat. She received us very kindly, and made her attendants dance after their manner before us. She was very free of her kisses to Mr. Buckerige, whom she seemed much to esteem; and truly he deserved it from all that knew him, being an extraordinary good-humoured and ingenious gentleman, and understood this country and language very well. We presented her with an anchor of brandy each, and some hands of tobacco, which she received with abundance of thanks and satisfaction, and so bid her good night. She was so extremely civil before we parted, to offer each of us a bed-fellow of her young maids of honour while we continued there, but we modestly declined her majesty’s proffer, and that night lay ashore with Mr. Buckerige. Next day we were forced to keep a fast; for the cook being dressing of dinner, among which there was a young pig roasting at a quick fire, the flame of it reached the dry palm branches that thatch’d the kitchen, which immediately took fire and spread so in an instant, that, in less than a quarter of an hour, our dinner and kitchen were converted to ashes.

Our business being compleated at Winiba by the 9th instant, we went aboard and got our ships under sail for Acra, Mr. Buckerige going my passenger, to pay a visit to Mr. Bloome the factor there. Capt. Shurley has been long sick of a flux and fever, and is now very ill, and I troubled with violent convulsions in my head, that I can get no sleep without opiates, and so giddy that I cannot walk without assistance. We stood along shore all day with an early sail to the east, and at night came to an anchor in 14 fathom water, with our stream-anchor and cable, which we have chiefly used along the whole coast for the easiness of weighing him.

The next day arrived at Acra two Danish ships of 26 guns a-piece; as they passed by our ships they saluted us with nine guns each, which we returned, and they came to an anchor about a mile to the east of us. They were sent on purpose from Denmark to compound with the black general for the surrendering of their fort, and to settle it again, for which end they had brought with them a governor, soldiers, provisions, ammunition, merchandize, &c. They made some propositions to the black general while we were here, but his demands were so exorbitant that they would not comply with them; tho’ since I understood that the fort was delivered to them, and having resettled it, went for Whidaw to purchase slaves, and in their voyage thence to the West Indies, put into the island of Princes for water, where Avery, the pirate fell in with them, fought, took, plundered, and burnt them, which was the unhappy end of their voyage. The poor Danish general went from us aboard his countrymen, but not without reluctancy, and fear of being harshly treated in Denmark; but it seems Long Ben (as they called that rogue Avery) prevented that.

Captain Thomas Shurley, commander of the _East India Merchant_, my consort, departed this life here, having been long sick of a fever and flux. He was handsomely buried in Acra castle, a la Soldado, his own ship firing guns at half a minute distance, during the time the corpse was rowing ashore. Mr. Bloome, myself, Mr. Buckerige, and the chief of the Dutch factory, held up the pall. After he was buried, according to the service of the church of England, his own ship fired 30 guns, the _Hannibal_, 26, Acra fort, 20, and the Dutch and Black’s fort, 16 each: He was very averse to making a will, and took it amiss when I urged him to it; he left the command of his ship to his first mate, Mr. Clay, and as to his own concerns, said his purser, Mr. Price, knew how all lay.

May the 20th. This morning about nine o’clock we arrived at Whidaw, being about sixty leagues from Acra to the east, and let go our anchor in eight fathom water, about two miles off shore, and moor’d with our stream anchor right against the landing place, a little to the west of the great thick tuft of trees that looks like a barn, and other trees at the east end of it, making like a tower. This day got our canoos and all things else ready, in order to go ashore to-morrow to purchase our slaves.

May the 21st. This morning I went ashore at Whidaw, accompany’d by my doctor and purser, Mr. Clay, the present captain of the _East India Merchant_, his doctor and purser, and about a dozen of our seamen for our guard, arm’d, in order here to reside till we could purchase 1300 negro slaves, which was the number we both wanted, to compleat 700 for the _Hannibal_, and 650 for the _East India Merchant_, according to our agreement in our charter-parties with the Royal African Company; in procuring which quantity of slaves we spent about nine weeks, during which time what observations my indisposition with convulsions in my head, &c. would permit me to make on this country, its trade, manners, &c. are as follows, viz.

Whidaw, or Quedaw, lies in the latitude of 6° 10′ N. latitude, being the pleasantest country I have seen in Guiney, consisting of champaigns and small ascending hills, beautified with always green shady groves of lime, wild orange, and other trees, and irrigated with divers broad fresh rivers, which yield plenty of good fish; towards the sea-shore it is very marshy, and has divers large swamps.

Our factory, built by Captain Wiburne, Sir John Wiburne’s brother, stands low near the marshes, which renders it a very unhealthy place to live in; the white men the African Company send there, seldom returning to tell their tale; ’tis compass’d round with a mud wall, about six foot high, and on the south-side is the gate; within is a large yard, a mud thatch’d house, where the factor lives, with the white men; also a storehouse, a trunk for slaves, and a place where they bury their dead white men, call’d, very improperly, the hog-yard; there is also a good forge, and some other small houses: To the east are two small flankers of mud, with a few popguns and harquebusses, which serve more to terrify the poor ignorant negroes than to do any execution. While we were here the factor made a wide deep ditch, round the factory, and had my carpenters to make a draw-bridge over it, which has render’d it now pretty secure; for before it was enterable every rainy time, the walls being washed down, and when the rains were over, built up again. And here I must observe that the rainy season begins about the middle of May, and ends the beginning of August, in which space it was my misfortune to be there, which created sickness among my negroes aboard, it being noted for the most malignant season by the blacks themselves, who, while the rains last, will hardly be prevail’d upon to stir out of their huts, and myself and the poor men found it so by dear experience, the rains that fall down then being more like fountains than drops, and as hot as if warmed over a fire.

The factory is about 200 yards in circumference, and a most wretched place to live in, by reason of the swamps adjacent, whence proceed noisome stinks, and vast swarms of little flies, call’d musketoes, which are so intolerably troublesome, that if one does not take opium, laudanum, or some other soporifick, ’tis impossible to get any sleep in the night; and that one I lay there was the most uneasy that I ever felt, for I had not lain down above an hour in the factor’s bed, but I was so vex’d and tormented by those little malicious animals, that I was forced to get up again, and dress myself, put gloves on my hands, and tie a handkerchief over my face till day-light, which notwithstanding these troublesome devils would sting thro; and the place so stung would be much inflam’d, and rise into a knob, much provoking the exercise of a man’s nails; and had king James the first, been there some time, he would have been convinc’d that scratching where it itches was not the greatest pleasure in the world, as ’tis said was his opinion.

The best means I could find to allay the inflammation, was to rub the parts affected with lime-juice, or vinegar, which, tho’ for the present it produced a smart, the ease it gave, in a short time, made abundant recompence; therefore to shun the spirit of this cursed little flie as much as we can, as well as to give us some cool air (that which is confin’d in a close place in this country, appearing as intensely hot to an European, as if he suck’d in the heat at the mouth of an oven in England), we have negro boys to fan us all night with large fans made of skins.

This factory, feared as ’tis, proved very beneficial to us, by housing our goods which came ashore late, and could not arrive at the king’s town where I kept my warehouse, ere it was dark, when they would be very incident to be pilfer’d by the negro porters which carry them, at which they are most exquisite; for in the day-time they would steal the cowries, altho’ our white men that attended the goods from the marine watched them, they having instruments like wedges, made on purpose to force asunder the staves of the barrels, that contain’d the cowries, whereby the shells dropt out; and when any of our seamen that watch’d the goods came near such porters, they would take out their machine, and the staves would insensibly close again, so that no hole did appear, having always their wives and children running by them to carry off the plunder; which with all our threats and complaints made to the king, we could not prevent, tho’ we often beat them cruelly, and piniar’d some, but it was all one, what was bred in the bone, &c. whatever we could do would not make them forbear.

The factory prov’d beneficial to us in another kind; for after we had procured a parcel of slaves, and sent them down to the sea-side to be carry’d off, it sometimes proved bad weather, and so great a sea, that the canoos could not come ashore to fetch them, so that they returned to the factory, where they were secured and provided for till good weather presented, and then were near to embrace the opportunity, we sometimes shipping off a hundred of both sexes at a time.

We had our cook ashore, and eat as well as we could, provisions being plenty and cheap; but we soon lost our stomachs by sickness, most of my men having fevers, and myself such convulsions and aches in my head, that I could hardly stand or go to the trunk without assistance, and there often fainted with the horrid stink of the negroes, it being an old house where all the slaves are kept together, and evacuate nature where they lie, so that no jakes can stink worse; there being forced to sit three or four hours at a time, quite ruin’d my health, but there was no help.

When we were at the trunk, the king’s slaves, if he had any, were the first offer’d to sale, which the cappasheirs would be very urgent with us to buy, and would in a manner force us to it ere they would shew us any other, saying they were the Reys Cosa, and we must not refuse them, tho’ as I observed they were generally the worst slaves in the trunk, and we paid more for them than any others, which we could not remedy, it being one of his majesty’s prerogatives. Then the cappasheirs each brought out his slaves according to his degree and quality, the greatest first, &c. and our surgeon examined them well in all kinds, to see that they were sound wind and limb, making them jump, stretch out their arms swiftly, looking in their mouths to judge of their age; for the cappasheirs are so cunning, that they shave them all close before we see them, so that let them be never so old we can see no grey hairs in their heads or beards; and then having liquor’d them well and sleeked with palm oil, ’tis no easy matter to know an old one from a middle-aged one, but by the teeths decay. But our greatest care of all is to buy none that are pox’d, lest they should infect the rest aboard; for tho’ we separate the men and women aboard by partitions and bulk-heads, to prevent quarrels and wranglings among them, yet do what we can they will come together, and that distemper which they call the yaws, is very common here, and discovers itself by almost the same symptoms as the _Lues Venerea_ or clap does with us; therefore our surgeon is forc’d to examine the privities of both men and women with the nicest scrutiny, which is a great slavery, but what can’t be omitted. When we had selected from the rest such as we liked, we agreed in what goods to pay for them, the prices being already stated before the king, how much of each sort of merchandize we were to give for a man, woman, and child, which gave us much ease, and saved abundance of disputes and wranglings, and gave the owner a note, signifying our agreement of the sorts of goods; upon delivery of which the next day he receiv’d them; then we mark’d the slaves we had bought in the breast, or shoulder, with a hot iron, having the letter of the ship’s name on it, the place being before anointed with a little palm oil, which caused but little pain, the mark being usually well in four or five days, appearing very plain and white after.

When we had purchased to the number of 50 or 60, we would send them aboard, there being a cappasheir, intitled the captain of the slaves, whose care it was to secure them to the waterside, and see them all off; and if in carrying to the marine any were lost, he was bound to make them good to us, the captain of the trunk being oblig’d to do the like, if any run away while under his care, for after we buy them we give him charge of them till the captain of the slaves comes to carry them away: There are two officers appointed by the king for this purpose, to each of which every ship pays the value of a slave in what goods they like best for their trouble, when they have done trading; and indeed they discharg’d their duty to us very faithfully, we not having lost one slave thro’ their neglect in 1300 we bought here.

There is likewise a captain of the sand, who is appointed to take care of the merchandise we have come ashore to trade with, that the negroes do not plunder them, we being often forced to leave goods a whole night on the sea shore, for want of porters to bring them up; but notwithstanding his care and authority, we often came by the loss and could have no redress.

When our slaves were come to the sea-side, our canoos were ready to carry them off to the longboat, if the sea permitted, and he convey’d them aboard ship, where the men were all put in irons, two and two shackl’d together, to prevent their mutiny, or swimming ashore.

The negroes are so wilful and loth to leave their own country, that they have often leap’d out of the canoos, boat and ship, into the sea, and kept under water till they were drowned, to avoid being taken up and saved by our boats, which pursued them; they having a more dreadful apprehension of Barbadoes than we can have of hell, tho’ in reality they live much better there than in their own country; but home is home, &c. We have likewise seen divers of them eaten by the sharks, of which a prodigious number kept about the ships in this place, and I have been told will follow her hence to Barbadoes, for the dead negroes that are thrown over-board in the passage. I am certain in our voyage there we did not want the sight of some every day, but that they were the same I can’t affirm. We had about 12 negroes did wilfully drown themselves, and others starv’d themselves to death; for ’tis their belief that when they die they return home to their own country and friends again.

The best goods to purchase slaves here are cowries, the smaller the more esteemed; for they pay them all by tale, the smallest being as valuable as the biggest, but take them from us by measure or weight, of which about 100 pounds for a good man-slave. The next in demand are brass neptunes or basons, very large, thin, and flat; for after they have bought them they cut them in pieces to make anilias or bracelets, and collars for their arms, legs and necks. The other preferable goods are blue paper sletias, cambricks or lawns, caddy chints, broad ditto, coral, large, smooth, and of a deep red, rangoes large and red, iron bars, powder and brandy.

With the above goods a ship cannot want slaves here, and may purchase them for about three pounds fifteen shillings a head, but near half the cargo value must be cowries or booges, and brass basons, to set off the other goods that we buy cheaper, as coral, rangoes, iron, &c. else they will not take them; for if a cappasheir sells five slaves, he will have two of them paid for in cowries, and one in brass, which are dear slaves; for a slave in cowries costs us above four pounds in England; whereas a slave in coral, rangoes, or iron, does not cost fifty shillings; but without the cowries and brass they will take none of the last goods, and but small quantities at best, especially, if they can discover that you have good store of cowries and brass aboard, then no other goods will serve their turn, till they have got as much as you have; and after for the rest of the goods they will be indifferent and make you come to their own terms, or else lie a long time for your slaves, so that those you have on board are dying while you are buying others ashore; therefore every man that comes here, ought to be very cautious in making his report to the king at first, of what sorts and quantities of goods he has, and be sure to say his cargo consists mostly in iron, coral, rangoes, chints, &c. so that he may dispose of those goods as soon as he can, and at last his cowries and brass will bring him slaves as fast as he can buy them; but this is to be understood of a single ship: or more, if the captains agree, which seldom happens; for where there are divers ships, and of separate interests, about buying the same commodity they commonly undermine, betray, and out-bid one the other; and the Guiney commanders’ words and promises are the least to be depended upon of any I know who use the sea; for they would deceive their fathers in their trade if they could.

The road where our ships ride is very good and clean ground, and gradual soundings. The best anchoring is in eight fathom water, against a great tuft of trees that make like a barn, about a mile and a half off the shore, on which there runs such a prodigious swell and surf, that we venture drowning every time we go ashore and come off, the canoos frequently over-setting, but the canoo-men are such excellent divers and swimmers, that they preserve the lives of those they have any kindness for, but such as they have any displeasure to they will let shift for themselves, therefore ’tis very prudent for all commanders to be kind and obliging to them, their lives lying in their hands, which they can make them lose at pleasure, and impute all to accident, and they could not help it; and there are no amends to be had.

The canoos we buy on the Gold Coast, and strengthen them with knees and weather-boards fore and aft, to keep the sea out, they plunging very deep when they go against a sea. They are made of the trunk of the cotton tree hollow’d, from a two hand to a twelve hand canoo, the largest being not above four foot broad, but twenty-eight or thirty foot long. Those that are most fit for the use at Whidaw, are five hand or seven hand canoos; of which each ship that buys many slaves ought to carry two, for they are very incident to be staved by the great sea when they overset, and here is none for supply, and without them there is no landing or coming off for goods or men.

The canoo-men we bring from Cape Corce, being seven in number, of which one is boatswain, and is commonly one of the most skilful canoo-men in Guiney; he commands the rest, and always steers the canoo, and gives his orders to the rest, when to row or when to lie on their paddles, to watch a smooth or shun a great sea they see coming. Their pay is certain and stated, half of which we pay them in gold at Cape Corce; and the rest in goods when we have done with them at Whidaw; ’tis also customary to give them a canoo to carry them back, and cut up the other for fire-wood, unless an opportunity offers to sell it, which is very rare. They lost us six or seven barrels of cowries, above 100 bars of iron, and other goods, by the oversetting of the canoos in landing them, which we could never recover, or have the least satisfaction for, but were forced to give them good words, lest they should, in revenge, play us more such tricks. We kept two men ashore here constantly to fill water, which lay and eat at the factory, which fill’d our small hogsheads in the night, and roll’d them over the sand to the sea-side, ready to raft off in the morning, before the sea breeze came in, which is the only time, we having no other way to get it off but by rafting, and in hauling off to the longboat the great sea would often break our raft, and stave our cask, whereby we lost a great many.

The longboat was chiefly employ’d in bringing water aboard, which we started into our butts in the hold, and sent the small cask ashore again next morning, of which we had two gangs on purpose. We had a little deal yaul which did us great service in bringing off cows, hogs, staves, letters, &c. from the canoos, with only two boys in her.

When our slaves are aboard we shackle the men two and two, while we lie in port, and in sight of their own country, for ’tis then they attempt to make their escape, and mutiny; to prevent which we always keep centinels upon the hatchways, and have a chest of small arms, ready loaden and prim’d, constantly lying at hand upon the quarter-deck, together with some granada shells; and two of our quarter-deck guns, pointing on the deck thence, and two more out of the steerage, the door of which is always kept shut, and well barr’d. They are fed twice a day, at 10 in the morning, and 4 in the evening, which is the time they are aptest to mutiny, being all upon deck; therefore all that time, what of our men are not employ’d in distributing their victuals to them, and settling them, stand to their arms; and some with lighted matches at the great guns that yaun upon them, loaden with partridge, till they have done and gone down to their kennels between decks. Their chief diet is call’d dabbadabb, being Indian corn ground as small as oat-meal in iron mills, which we carry for that purpose; and afterwards mix’d with water and boil’d well in a large copper furnace, till ’tis as thick as a pudding. About a peckful of which in vessels, call’d crews, is allow’d to 10 men, with a little salt, malagetta, and palm oil, to relish.

(A) HAND-CUFFS FOR SLAVES. (B) LEG SHACKLES. (C-E) THUMB SCREWS. (F-H) “SPECULUM ORIS,” TO OPEN CLOSED JAWS. From Clarkson’s _Abolition of the Slave Trade_, London, 1808 ]

They are divided into messes of ten each, for the easier and better order in serving them. Three days a week they have horse-beans boil’d for their dinner and supper, great quantities of which the African Company do send aboard us for that purpose. These beans the negroes extremely love and desire, beating their breast, eating them, and crying “Pram! Pram!” which is, “Very good!” They are indeed the best diet for them, having a binding quality, and consequently good to prevent the flux, which is the inveterate distemper that most affects them, and ruins our voyages by their mortality. The men are all fed upon the main deck and forecastle, that we may have them all under command of our arms from the quarter-deck, in case of any disturbance; the women eat upon the quarter-deck with us, and the boys and girls upon the poop. After they are once divided into messes, and appointed their places, they will readily run there in good order of themselves afterwards. When they have eaten their victuals clean up (which we force them to for to thrive the better), they are order’d down between decks, and every one as he passes has a pint of water to drink after his meat, which is serv’d them by the cooper out of a large tub, fill’d beforehand ready for them. When they have occasion to ease nature, they are permitted by the centinels to come up, and go to a conveniency which is provided for that purpose, on each side of the ship, each of which will contain a dozen of them at once, and have broad ladders to ascend them with the greater ease.

When we come to sea we let them all out of irons, they never then attempting to rebel, considering that should they kill or master us, they could not tell how to manage the ship, or must trust us, who would carry them where we pleased; therefore the only danger is while we are in sight of their own country, which they are loath to part with; but once out of sight out of mind. I never heard that they mutiny’d in any ships of consequence, that had a good number of men, and the least care; but in small tools where they had but few men, and those negligent or drunk, then they surpriz’d and butcher’d them, cut the cables, and let the vessel drive ashore, and every one shift for himself. However, we have some 30 or 40 Gold Coast negroes, which we buy, and are procur’d us there by our factors, to make guardians and overseers of the Whidaw negroes, and sleep among them to keep them from quarrelling, and in order, as well as to give us notice, if they can discover any caballing or plotting among them, which trust they will discharge with great diligence; they also take care to make the negroes scrape the decks where they lodge every morning very clean, to eschew any distempers that may engender from filth and nastiness. When we constitute a guardian, we give him a cat of nine tails as a badge of his office, which he is not a little proud of, and will exercise with great authority. We often at sea, in the evenings, would let the slaves come up into the sun to air themselves, and make them jump and dance for an hour or two to our bag-pipes, harp, and fiddle, by which exercise to preserve them in health; but notwithstanding all our endeavour, ’twas my hard fortune to have great sickness and mortality among them.

Having bought my complement of 700 slaves, viz. 480 men and 220 women, and finish’d all my business at Whidaw, I took my leave of the old king and his cappasheirs, and parted, with many affectionate expressions on both sides, being forced to promise him that I would return again the next year, with several things he desired me to bring from England; and having sign’d bills of lading to Mr. Peirson, for the negroes aboard, I set sail the 27th of July in the morning, accompany’d with the _East India Merchant_, who had bought 650 slaves, for the island of St. Thomas, from which we took our departure, on August 25th, and set sail for Barbadoes.

We spent in our passage from St. Thomas to Barbadoes two months eleven days, in which time there happened such sickness and mortality among my poor men and negroes, that of the first we buried 14, and of the last 320, which was a great detriment to our voyage, the Royal African Company losing ten pounds by every slave that died, and the owners of the ship ten pounds ten shillings, being the freight agreed on to be paid them by the charter-party for every negro delivered alive ashore to the African Company’s agents at Barbadoes; whereby the loss in all amounted to near 6500 pounds sterling. The distemper which my men as well as the blacks mostly died of, was the white flux, which was so violent and inveterate, that no medicine would in the least check it; so that when any of our men were seized with it, we esteemed him a dead man, as he generally proved. I cannot imagine what should cause it in them so suddenly, they being free from it till about a week after we left the island of St. Thomas. And next to the malignity of the climate, I can attribute it to nothing else but the unpurg’d black sugar, and raw unwholesome rum they bought there, of which they drank in punch to great excess, and which it was not in my power to hinder, having chastised several of them, and flung over-board what rum and sugar I could find; and was forced to clap one Lord, our trumpeter, in irons, for his being the promoter of their unseasonable carousing bouts, and going in one of his drunken fits with his knife to kill the boatswain in his bed, and committing other enormities; but tho’ he remained upon the poop day and night in irons for two months, without any other shelter than the canopy of heaven, he was never troubled with any sickness, but made good the proverb, “That naught’s never in danger,” or “that he who is born to be hang’d,” &c. I have given some account of him elsewhere, therefore shall say no more here.

The negroes are so incident to the small-pox, that few ships that carry them escape without it, and sometimes it makes vast havock and destruction among them; but tho’ we had 100 at a time sick of it, and that it went thro’ the ship, yet we lost not above a dozen by it. All the assistance we gave the diseased was only as much water as they desir’d to drink, and some palm-oil to anoint their sores, and they would generally recover without any other helps but what kind nature gave them.

One thing is very surprizing in this distemper among the blacks, that tho’ it immediately infects those of their own colour, yet it will never seize a white man; for I had several white men and boys aboard that had never had that distemper, and were constantly among the blacks that were sick of it, yet none of them in the least catch’d it, tho’ it be the very same malady in its effects, as well as symptoms, among the blacks, as among us in England, beginning with the pain in the head, back, shivering, vomiting, fever, &c. But what the smallpox spar’d, the flux swept off, to our great regret, after all our pains and care to give them their messes in due order and season, keeping their lodgings as clean and sweet as possible, and enduring so much misery and stench so long among a parcel of creatures nastier than swine; and after all our expectations to be defeated by their mortality. No gold-finders can endure so much noisome slavery as they do who carry negroes; for those have some respite and satisfaction, but we endure twice the misery; and yet by their mortality our voyages are ruin’d, and we pine and fret ourselves to death, to think that we should undergo so much misery, and take so much pains to so little purpose.

I deliver’d alive at Barbadoes to the company’s factors 372, which being sold, came out at about nineteen pounds per head one with another.

Having got aboard near 700 hogsheads of sugars, at nine and ten shillings per hundred freight for Muscovadoes, and 11 for Clay’d; some cotton at 2 _d._ per lb. and ginger at 8 _s._ per cent. we got all clear to sail against the 2d of April, the _Tiger_ man of war being then ready to carry Colonel Kendal to England, and to take under her convoy such ships as were ready to sail at that time, of which there were small and great about 30, seven of which were merchant-men of 28 guns and upwards each, and were order’d by Capt. Sherman to make the line of battle, in case we met an enemy, he being pleased to appoint me, in the _Hannibal_, to lead on the star-board tack, and Capt. Buttrom in the _Faulkenburg_, on the larboard tack, in case of engaging, while himself kept the centre; and the other ships of the line were disposed for seconds. Colonel Kendal having disengaged himself from the multitude of gentlemen that came to attend him, and wish him a good voyage, the 2d of April in the evening got aboard the _Tiger_, with a discharge of all the cannon round the town; and the third, in the evening, we set sail for England, with the _Chester_ man of war in our company, which Colonel Cothrington, the general of the Leeward Islands, had sent from Antigua to Barbadoes, to strengthen our convoy, till we were past Diseada, upon advice he had receiv’d, that there was a squadron of French men of war from Martinico, waiting for us thereabouts.

Wednesday the 3d. Yesterday about four in the evening we got under sail, and stood out of Carlisle bay, and then laid our fore topsail to the mast, and drove to leeward to wait for the rest of the fleet: At seven were abreast the hole. We had great popling sea, but little wind at night, till this day noon.

Friday the 19th. In the morning ’twas my unhappiness to be seized with violent convulsions in my head, together with a vertigo, so that I could not stand, and all things I look’d on turn’d round. The vertigo was much allay’d soon, but the convulsions continued so severe upon me, that I was forced for most part to keep my bed, till we made the island of Scilly, which was upon the 22d of May, in which time the hearing of my left ear was much impair’d, I having lost the hearing of my right ear upon the coast of Guiney, by a former fit. And now, having none to look after me (my doctor having died of the plague in Barbadoes), my deafness increased daily.

When I came to London, thro’ the kindness and good-will of my friends and acquaintance, who were sorry to see me return in that condition, I was advised to a great many applauded physicians, who all pretended they would cure my deafness. I went under the care of several of them, who were the most celebrated in that famous city, by whose orders I was tormented by the apothecaries, with doses of nasty physick every day, for four or five months time, and butcher’d by the surgeons with blisters, issues, setons, &c. and spent about 100 guineas among them, without receiving a farthing benefit; wherefore I did conceive it more prudence to bear my deafness as contentedly as I could, than any longer to undergo so much misery and charge to no purpose; accordingly I shook hands with the doctors, and being rendered unfit for my employment by my deafness, I settled my affairs in London, took my leave of it, and came down to Wales, among my relations in Brecknock, my native town, there to spend the rest of my life as easily as I can, under my hard misfortune.