EUROPE AND AMERICA IN 1870. DEMETRIUS GOUBAREFF. RUSSIA AND THE UNITED STATES.
“Peace—but the ships of steel increase, And statesmen watch, perplexed: What is the thing we folk term ‘peace’? Where will the war be next?” —_Edwin L. Sabin._
IN LONDON, PARIS AND NICE. INTRODUCTORY REMARKS.
The ideas I give of Europe contained in the following sketch written in London in April, 1870, came to me from a residence of two years there, during which time I had been constantly watching events, and had been thrown with many of the leading statesmen and financiers of the United States.
What I pretended to know of the Eastern question, I learned from the journey I made the previous autumn through Russia, Turkey and Egypt, with General Banks. It then struck me that it would be well to open the eyes of the American people to what was passing there as impartially as possible, as thus far the English accounts had been one-sided. I may appear to favor Russia too strongly, but the boat in which we made the journey from Odessa to Egypt, and then through the Suez Canal, was filled with Russian representatives, persons representing almost all the Russian interests, and they spoke to us, being Americans, most freely on these subjects, and in such a way that we were much impressed with the high ambitions of that empire. It would have been difficult to have made the journey under more favorable auspices.
The picture I drew of the future of the United States was very strong, but the more one lives away from America, the more he appreciates her greatness, and the position she must surely hold among the nations of the world, and I thought it good to put the plain facts and statistics before Europeans as well as Americans.
This paper, which I offered to the press, did not appear originally in the form of a contribution, as the war suddenly broke out between France and Prussia before this was accomplished, but I had copies of it printed in a pamphlet for private circulation, and in that way it was quite generally read and discussed.
I was of the opinion that neither Americans nor Europeans were sufficiently alive to the position which the United States was destined soon to hold among the nations of the world, and that they ought to be diligently preparing themselves for it.
Having faith that the Great Republic will not only remain undivided, but increase in territory, population and strength, it logically follows that she must later be the controlling power. In her, humanity, commingled together and then reorganized, will practically carry out the idea of self-government, and such a government, if successful, will be irresistible.
“EUROPE AND AMERICA IN 1870.”
“Wars and rumors of wars must be, it would seem, for many years to come the staple of talk in Europe. Nor is this remarkable, so many different nationalities and languages, so much intelligence and energy, and so many shades of ambition being concentrated in a small space of territory. Thus far in the history of the Old World those in power have generally sought by arms or state craft to strengthen the country in whose destiny they were interested. Constant wars have been the result.
The principles of international interest, of working in harmony to develop the resources of the globe, of which perhaps the best exponent is trade and the necessary concomitant peace, have been unfortunately considered beneath the dignity of those who by birth, by fortune, or by talent, have been able to hold leading positions. Happily this is being changed. The great discoveries of the last fifty years have given the world such an impulse as it never received before. The comparative ease of making money and of possessing it in safety, has caused persons to look after their own interest more than that of those who chanced to be their rulers. But the process of change is slow, and emperors and kings are still able to make wars even in opposition to the will of their subjects. Wars are still not only a possibility, but a probability, and every one is on the lookout for them. When there is lack of other business, the cabinets of Europe will turn their attention to the always vexed question of the balance of power.
When newspaper editors are in want of interesting matter to fill their sheets, they can ever bring out a glowing statement of the Eastern question, or dilate upon the relations existing between France and Prussia.
The map of Europe never ceases to be an entertaining study, and so a slight review of the present state of affairs there, as seen and judged by the disinterested traveller, may perhaps offer some points of interest to those who are unable to make the journey themselves.
No one nation in Europe, today, seems to have a preponderating influence over the others.
ENGLAND AND FRANCE.
England and France for a long time the most powerful have not, during the last ten years, been making any international progress, and if they have not by this been actually losing their influence, they have remained in a state of inaction, while others have made great advances to equal or eclipse them. Nor is there to be seen in them any prospect of changing their policy.
England is so much occupied with domestic questions, especially those relating to Ireland, that she can give little time or thought to anything else, unless of very great import.
In France the holding the various discordant elements in check, and forming out of them a strong and popular government, is absorbing all the talent of her statesmen. The aggressive enterprises that the existing government, or rather that its head, has lately undertaken, have been so fruitless and so doubtfully indorsed by the people, that it is not probable anything of the kind will again be tried unless upon an almost certainty of success.
PRUSSIA.
Prussia may with a certain show of reason consider herself the leader, but her, so to speak, inland position, and the consequent difficulty of her having great naval or commercial power, prevent her from taking that place to which her arms and politics might entitle her. Besides this her relations with both Northern and Southern Germany are in a preparatory state, and the uncertainty of her future movements, and of how they will be accepted, is a present point of weakness. She is recognized to be the strongest German nation, but the smaller independencies, certain though they may be of becoming eventually absorbed, are tenacious of preserving their individuality as long as possible. They hesitate about siding with or against Prussia, and as she cannot well now press the question, matters are more or less at a standstill.
AUSTRIA.
Austria cannot, since the Peace of Prague, be regarded as a first-class power of Europe; she must regain her lost strength first, and for some time to come she will best attempt this by solidifying her relations with Hungary, and by infusing more advanced principles of government into the authorities at Vienna.
SPAIN.
In Spain, affairs are still holding their uneasy course, and the world looks on astonished at the way the country is taking care of itself; so many forms of government proposed by so many different candidates that, in reality, there is next to none whatever, but, to balance this, a fair amount of contentment among the people. Not knowing what they wish, the Spaniards drift on very well with what they have.
ITALY.
In Italy, economy is so necessary to preserve the country, that no thought can be given to any foreign ventures, while at Rome all other questions are dropped, so long as the Ecumenical Council is sitting there in state.
DENMARK, NORWAY AND SWEDEN.
Denmark, Norway and Sweden, are engaged in discussing topics of much local interest, and which may perhaps, result in the unity of the three nations, but they will have little influence upon the general march of events in Europe.
RUSSIA.
Russia remains, as the last great nation to be discussed, and here, on the stepping stone between Eastern and Western ideas and civilizations, can be found the germs of those movements which if not immediately forthcoming, will, when they burst forth, startle the world with their grandeur, and essentially change the features of the map of Europe.
The Russian Empire as it exists today,—the Russia of Alexander II. and Gortschakoff,—the country which has emancipated twenty million serfs and offered an equal trial by jury to all its citizens, this nation, which, day by day is increasing its territory and influence at home, and which during a civil war in the other hemisphere extended a kindly though many will say a not disinterested hand to the party which represented progressive principles, the Russian Empire, the friend of the American Republic, has many qualities which might justly entitle it to leadership, but the strange mixture of European and Asiatic elements in that country, so great in extent and so ambitious of progress, as interpreted by it, is the cause of a confusion of ideas, and prevents that unanimity of action which is necessary to insure the respect and obedience of others.
Moreover, although the spirit of the people is extremely democratic, the policy of the government is autocratic, and in the latter part of this century it is impossible for any but a government founded on popular principles and supported by the people themselves, to command the esteem and the envy of the masses in other portions of the civilized world, and thus to give them laws. The seeds of dominion are there, but it will take time for them to ripen and bear their fruit.
THE EQUIPOISE OF POWER.
From this slight review of the position of the European nations in 1870, one cannot help being impressed with the equipoise of power, and concluding that this itself is a strong guarantee of peace, but, in reality the peace is not well founded, and cannot be abiding. It is an armed peace, and as such, may cause the people deep anxiety. Several millions of men in Europe, today, are wearing the dress and drawing the pay of soldiers, and all for nothing. Disarming is continually talked of, but is not being begun, nor will it be, as long as the nations are mutually afraid of each other. The pursuits of industry and commerce, which would develop with increasing force if peace were secure for ten or twenty years, are now, to a great extent, held in check. Capitalists are afraid of embarking in great enterprises, as they know not what may take place before they will be completed. Thousands of laborers, able-bodied and intelligent, through fear of being drawn into military service are leaving the lands of their birth and emigrating to distant shores, there to seek their fortunes: a great gain to the countries which receive them, but a more than proportionate loss to those they leave, as their places cannot be filled.
One should not seriously wish for war, except in the most extreme cases, and where the prospect of the good to follow seems more than to compensate for the immediate evil.
LOOKING INTO THE FUTURE.
Without admitting this to be the case now, but believing that the present peace cannot, from the press of circumstances last many years, let us look a little into the future, and try to divine where it will be first broken, and what will be the results. It is to the East of Europe we must turn our thoughts, and here it seems as if great events would soon be in motion. The problem to be solved is the dismemberment of the Ottoman Empire, and the consequent independence of one nation, and the increase in power of several others.
The actors in the drama will be Turkey, Russia, Egypt, Greece, and perhaps the Slavonic portions of Austria, the theatre will be parts of Europe, Asia, and Africa, and the most interested spectators will be France, England, and the United States.
THE POSSESSION OF CONSTANTINOPLE.
It must be well borne in mind that the integrity of Turkey has been guaranteed for many years, if not actually preserved, by the cabinets of France and England. So many pamphlets and articles have been written by those representing the interests of those governments on one side, and so little has been said on the opposite side, that it has almost become an acknowledged fact that the carrying out of this idea is necessary for the peace of Europe and of the world. Their arguments are strong, but will not influence him who visits Constantinople with an unprejudiced mind. The key to the riddle is the possession of that city. England and France know that they themselves cannot obtain it, and this being the case, they are determined to do all in their power to prevent any other nation from doing so. It is almost impossible for one who has not been there himself, to form a fair opinion of what should be the future of that beautiful city of the East, but once there, the decision is soon reached that it should no longer belong to the Turks, but to some people, whoever they may be, who will do justice to the advantages Nature has given it.
Constantinople is so placed that it is one of the keys of the waters of the world, and as such it ought to be a great commercial centre. The city, as it now is, renders this impossible, and the Turks, judging from their antecedents and their present manner of existence, are incapable of change.
A distinguished statesman of the United States (Gen. N. P. Banks) one day asked the Turkish minister at Washington, if in his country there were many persons celebrated for their success in finance or business.
The Minister slowly opened his dark mysterious eyes, and with a half-amused, half-pitying gaze, replied:—
‘Sir, my countrymen know nothing of affairs, the Turks are warriors.’
In the quiet answer of that Turk, a man who held not only a high position in his own country, but had also seen the active life in America, there is a meaning which one cannot well appreciate who has not been among the people of whom he spoke. They seem to belong to a different age and world from ours. They know almost nothing of the wonderful things every day done in this nineteenth century, and, if they are told, they take but little interest, and are incapable of comprehending them.
As already stated the city of Constantinople, until radically changed, does not admit of greatness. Some of the civilizing appliances of this century judiciously put in movement, would soon change the mysterious city of the Orient, replete with the souvenirs of Constantine and Mohammed, into a great commercial mart. The past would be sacrificed for the future, but the sacrifice would be justifiable. Useless Romance would drop her fascinating garment, and stand arrayed as the goddess of Practical Progress.
The question then is, who will begin the work?
The Turks will certainly not; indeed, their opposition to it will be so strong that it cannot well be undertaken until they see that their empire is broken, and that their natural refuge is over the water into Asia, where they belong.
The mover of all this will be a nation which has the most to gain from the results,—Russia, and fortunately a nation fired with the ambitions of progress, and with sufficient power to be able to carry them out. The intelligent men of Russia know that it is needful to the dignity of the nation, as a sentiment, to its safety militarily, and to its commercial prosperity, to have all the water rights and privileges in the Black Sea, and in the straits which connect it with those waters which are acknowledged to be the common property of mankind. Until this is brought about their machinery is clogged, and for this the possession of Constantinople is so important as almost to be a necessity.
The Russians are already at the work, and the faster it advances the better. Slowly and steadily since the peace was signed at the end of the Crimean War, the government at St. Petersburg, deeply humbled then, is preparing for the struggle which will restore her lost rights, and give her many additional ones. Day by day, she is spreading out her net-work of railroads, steamboats, telegraphs, and post-roads; imperceptibly she is increasing her territory, and this on principles so judiciously arranged for the conquered, that each fresh Asiatic horde absorbed, soon becomes as proud of the grandeur of Russia as if it had always been a part of the empire. Vessels for the navy and commerce are being built on her northern and southern seas, and her large inland rivers; her grain-trade is rapidly increasing, and her rich mines and other resources are being developed. Besides all this, she has a strong point of safety in the intense feeling of nationality, daily swelling, which pervades all the Muscovites. In sentiment the army is a unit, and the entire population of the vast empire shout wildly on every occasion for the health and prosperity of the Tsar.
There may be something barbaric in all this, but it is the stuff out of which national greatness can be made, and it may cause anxiety to those countries where such a feeling does not exist.
THE COUNTRY OF THE PHARAOHS.
The nation most interested after Russia, in the division of Turkey, perhaps as much or even more interested, because her own independence is the prize she can win, is Egypt, that historic land, which, once the mistress of the world, but today a vassal, has in the future as fine a destiny as could be desired. The canal lately opened through the Isthmus of Suez, has done more for Egypt than fifty ordinary years might have accomplished.
It has turned the thoughts of civilized Europe for more than ten years upon that country; it has kept their attention interested, and the result has been more than satisfactory.
Europe has not, in modern days, expected to find much good in the country of the Pharaohs, but it has found that although matters there are not what the sanguine might wish, they are still unquestionably in every point where comparison is possible, very far in advance of Turkey.
The infusion of Western ideas into the inhabitants of a land who have been brought up for centuries to despise them, is no easy task, but this the Vice Roi of Egypt has been attempting, and with fair success. He appreciates the age in which he lives as any one who has visited Cairo can plainly see, and he feels his superiority over the Sultan so strongly, that he is merely waiting for the time to be ripe, to openly disobey the orders from Constantinople, and assert his independence. Many thought, and with reason, that at the opening of the Suez Canal the time for this action had come, but nothing was then done, perhaps because the armed force of the Khedive was insufficient for the attempt, or that having accomplished a great commercial success, he hesitated risking a military failure, or, more probably still, because the diplomatic complications were such that he could not make an advantageous alliance.
For what is to be done Egypt should go hand-in-hand with Russia, but at the present time this is a difficult combination to form.
In constructing the Suez Canal, France has done everything for Egypt, and the presence of the Empress Eugénie at the opening ceremonies was the natural culmination of the work.
An alliance between France and Egypt, strong enough to give France a foothold in the East, and thereby to checkmate the power of England, but not binding her to make a rupture with the rulers at Constantinople on the question of Egyptian independence, would be a fine thing for Napoleon, but would do Ismail little good. A rational alliance between Russia and Egypt, each country working for itself and the other, would be desirable enough, but for this it would be necessary to give France the cold shoulder, and in return receive her resentment.
Russia, France, and Egypt, cannot now combine together. The results of the Crimean war are not forgotten at St. Petersburg, and, besides this, the existing relations between Russia and Prussia on other European questions are such that the former cannot yet offer France a friendly hand.
The ambition of Napoleon is boundless, but he knows that the prestige he would acquire in working out the independence of Egypt, would be overbalanced by what would fall to the share of the Emperor of Russia.
England, too, could not keep out of the dispute, and although lately she has been very silent on the Eastern question, at the moment of action, regardless of what she has done in the past, and of her half-promises for the future, she would bring great force to bear, and in such a way as to derive advantage for herself alone.
The Austro-Hungarian Empire and Greece have both something to gain from the dismemberment of the Ottoman Empire, but, in their present condition, they must move in the wake of others, they cannot lead the operations. A masterly brain and arm might unite the different Slavonic elements on the banks of the Danube, part of which now belong to Turkey, and amalgamate them into the Austrian Empire, but it is doubtful if this would be a desirable move, for, while it would give strength in territory and population to Austria, it would tend to weaken the German element of the country, and this would be fatal if she wishes to be regarded as the great South-German nation.
The title of Kaiser of Germans, always has and could still give prestige, but the same title held by one whose empire was in reality composed of Slavs, would not, but on the contrary aid the government of Prussia in its plans of German unity, and unity on a more democratic basis. Austria’s best course, therefore, would be to take no active part, but to await the results and turn them as best she could to her advantage.
The Greeks and Turks have never loved each other, and while Greece is too weak for definite action at first, she could later lend a helping hand in the movements which would result in restoring to her the provinces of Thessaly and Epirus, which though under the dominion of Turkey are Greek in everything but the name. Greece thus regenerated, might again become quite an important country, and with the commerce which the Suez Canal opens to her with the Indies, take her place as a growing maritime nation.
There are no other important moves now apparent in the horizon of European politics. As mentioned above, the great powers are too much interested in domestic affairs to be able to give much thought to what their neighbors are doing.
It has been expected by many that the continued growling heard both from France and Prussia, would sooner or later end in open rupture and war, (The Franco-Prussian war broke out three months later, July 19, 1870.) but one who watches the course of events closely can see that while they both say they are ready, neither of them desires to break the peace. Neither will be the first to sound the alarm, for they both know they have almost nothing to gain from the result, for, should the war come, it would accomplish little but the destruction of the lives of many thousand soldiers. Whichever side was victorious, the boundary line between the two nations would be but slightly changed. The existing line is the natural one, for it is the line of language and race, and, although war could move it on one side or the other, for a time, it would soon fall back again to the plane from which it started. The strength of the two nations is so nearly equal that neither can absorb portions of the other. The Rhine is a German river, and neither diplomacy nor war can make it French.
THE NON-INTERVENTION OF THE UNITED STATES.
And now, in conclusion, what position should the Government, or rather the people of the United States, take in relation to the march of events in Europe? Are we to hold forever to our established principle of non-intervention, when we conscientiously believe that judicious intervention would often advance the cause of progress?
Better at least keep the right of speaking and acting as we please, but use it sparingly, and never hesitate to give sympathy and moral aid,—sometimes more helpful than actual assistance,—to the parties in any struggle which we believe to have justice on their side.
But when we look into the future, and a no very distant future at that, and consider that at the end of this century we shall be a nation of one hundred millions, thinking persons can easily see that the preponderance of strength in our favor will be so overwhelming, that non-intervention will be a practical impossibility. The weak of the earth will come to us for protection, and we shall not wish to throw them off.
What a country it will be in 1900!
One hundred million people, all with a strong sense of liberty, but not of license; all educated, or desirous and able to become so; all ambitious, because the highest prizes are within their reach; nearly all speaking one language: with private fortunes greater than the world has ever seen, and with the natural resources of the country then in their flower.
One cannot dwell upon this prospect without swelling with pride, and at the same time almost trembling at its very grandeur.
The mighty Republic of the United States, which sprang into existence less than a century ago, will be the acknowledged law-giver and arbiter of the entire world.
Perhaps at no time has the temptation for us to mix in the affairs of Europe been so strong as today, because, selfishly speaking, we have everything to gain and nothing to lose. (It must be remembered that _every word_ of this article was written in 1870.) A mere spark which could any moment be struck at Washington would in three months’ time set Europe in flames.
An excuse like the Cuban difficulty (The independence of Cuba, achieved at the close of the century by the assistance of the United States in its war with Spain), the long pending question of the Alabama Claims, (Claims of the United States upon Great Britain for damages by the _Alabama_ and other Confederate cruisers, settled in 1872, at Geneva, by a court of arbitration.) the relations between the Sultan and the Khedive, or the foolishness now between France and the United States about the postal treaty or the Atlantic cable. Any of these would be sufficient to do the work, and what would be the result? (The postal union was formed by a congress of delegates representing the principal governments of Europe and the United States, assembled at Berne, Switzerland, in September, 1874. A treaty was concluded establishing a uniform rate of postage for letters of 5 cents per half ounce.)
Thousands and thousands of able-bodied men, with no taste for war, and especially war for the gratification of crowned heads, would seize every opportunity of leaving their native lands and hastening to America. It would be impossible to prevent them.
Millions and millions of treasure seeking safe investment, would find its way to the United States, and all that is wanted to develop the country, is hands to work the natural resources and money to pay for it.
America would become what England has been for many years, the strong box of the world. England can be so no more.
Telegraph communication and steam have put her so near the continent of Europe, that she can no longer be regarded as a sure land of refuge for men or money. Nay, it is doubtful if she could actually keep out of the conflict. The safe must be separated from the combatants by a broader piece of water than the Straits of Dover. Three thousand miles are not too much for perfect security. The action of the United States could bring on any war it wished, but the country itself would have nothing to fear. Its strength is so great that it could meet fairly in the field any possible combination of the nations of Europe. The feeling of animosity between the northern and southern states, which has existed during the civil war, but which is happily now almost over, would end in fraternal enthusiasm if the country should engage in a popular war against any other nation. But the carnage once begun in Europe could not be carried over the Atlantic, as there would be enough to keep it there. The United States would be in any case the attacked and not the attacking party, and modern warfare has arrived at the point that, other things being equal, the party which attacks a distant land is almost sure to be worsted.
What would fall to the lot of the United States would be the business of the world. The carrying trade of the nations would be done by her, and the problem of the revival of her shipping be by the action of others solved. All the merchant vessels which plough the Atlantic and Pacific oceans, would claim the protection of the Stars and Stripes, and this means limitless sums of money poured into her treasury, wealth to the country, and wealth to private individuals. The prestige of her flag would be such as none ever had before.
THE PATH OF PEACE.
Such is the prospect which opens before the vision of the people of the United States today. Deeply conscious of our great power, let us be equally conscious of our responsibility in best employing that power for the benefit of mankind. Let us remember that our path is the path of peace, and not that of war, let us endeavor not to be turned from it by the constant temptations of false glory, for, if we are, we shall ourselves suffer for it later, and cause others to suffer.
It is for its to show to Europe, not what advantages can be derived from war and diplomacy, which are the weapons of the past, but what greater advantages can be derived from the weapons of the present and the future,—the weapons of our own peculiar fabrication,—such as the nobility of labor and universal education and freedom. Only by acting thus shall we be able to prove to the nations who are even now ‘hanging breathless on our fate,’ that we truly carry with us a grander civilization than has ever yet been seen.”
FROM A LETTER TO MY SISTER AT MANCHESTER.
“Club House, Newport, August 7, 1870: I was in Boston yesterday, and had just about ten minutes at 39 Beacon street, where I found your nice letter. I am very comfortably established here, in a little apartment with my friend Bob. Winthrop of New York, and here I mean to have my headquarters, running off occasionally to New York or Boston and I hope before long to turn up at ‘Sharksmouth.’ I have been really very much occupied the last month, what with my own affairs, _la haute finance_ at Washington and New York, with the thermometer at 90°, and with occasional visits to my friends, and have been very happy with all the work. I have my old horse ‘Trumps’ from South Carolina, and he is in as fine a condition as when I left him, more than two years ago. He reposes in solitary dignity in the stable.
Poor Europe in 1870, is terribly changed!
I am going to print my little article in a pamphlet by itself, with an introduction suited to the times, and will send you a copy when it appears. I came to the conclusion that to alter it to suit the ever changing news from Europe would be impossible, and would really spoil it, and so I will let it remain as it is as one of my first literary attempts.
I have been to Long Branch, and it is the most extraordinary American political rendezvous I ever saw.
The war in Europe sickens me, so many thousand poor fellows to be murdered and maimed for wicked personal ambition. The whole business of the world is thrown into our hands,—I mean the United States of America,—if we only take it.”
GOUBAREFF THE RUSSIAN.
Demetrius Goubareff was a very intelligent Russian, to whom I was first introduced in 1871 or 1872. As a young man he had liberated his serfs before the emancipation action of Alexander II. and had been a progressive man in every way. He wrote a book entitled “Philosophie—Religion.” He had, I believe, taken part in the Crimean war, and then again in 1879, entered the service of his country at the time of the later attempt to obtain possession of Constantinople, which I have been informed was balked only by the interposition of Bismarck. The matter I thought ought to have been settled then and there.
Mr. Goubareff lived much at Nice and Paris, and often visited London. He kept up an extensive correspondence with many interesting persons.
He passed Sunday with me at Vevey, Switzerland, in March, 1876, and we had an excellent chance to talk there quietly and at our leisure. I found that he was much interested in the “Association for the Codification and Reform of the Law of Nations,” of which, on my proposing him, he became a member. I was very glad of this because he proposed to make a good deal of occupation for himself out of it, getting acquainted, and opening correspondence with many of the distinguished persons who were on the list of its members, and would prove a very valuable addition to the organization.
The following month in Paris Mr. Goubareff introduced me to the Golovine family, and we dined with them and strolled together in the beautiful gardens of St. Germain.
RUSSIA AND THE UNITED STATES. WRITTEN IN BOSTON IN 1873.
“A good deal has been said and written the last ten years, about the strong friendship existing between Russia and the United States, the coquetting, as it has been called, of these two nations with each other.
That such an _entente cordiale_ has existed is beyond all dispute, but the causes of it open a wide field for discussion.
The nations of Europe who have watched its progress with some evident alarm for themselves, have come forward with many unasked-for explanations, to clearly prove that such a thing is out of all reason, that it should not be, that it is all nonsense, thereby admitting all the more plainly the ugly fact. Particularly kind and disinterested have they been in their advice to the youthful United States, warning her to be careful, lest she be outwitted by the shrewd diplomacy of the Muscovite Cabinet, telling her that it was all a smart trick on the part of the Russian government, from which they only wanted to carry out their own ambitious ends, and this done, they would be ready at any moment to give the innocent and confiding Americans the slip.
It is pleasant, as a citizen of the United States to feel what good friends we have on the other side of the Atlantic,—real friends, too,—who are ready to come forward, now that we are out of the woods, to save us from the terrible fate of being killed by too much kindness.
Like the almost historic personage who was talked to death, perhaps there is danger in store for the American Republic of being _advised_ to death by her older brothers and sisters.
It does not take an over-intelligent person to see that between a military autocracy, under the sway of an almost absolute ruler, and a government of the people, intrusting the management of its affairs temporarily to its chosen representatives, there cannot be, theoretically, certainly, much genuine and heartfelt sympathy. This is superficially the view which any one would take. But deeper reflection on the traits, or, better still, living among the people of whom such a comparison is made, will show that this curious sympathy is not by any means a matter of government alone,—important as that is to aid it,—but lies hidden in the life of the people themselves, only to be brought out by a curious combination of circumstances.
THE DOUBLE EVENT OF EMANCIPATION.
At times the spark will be struck, and blaze forth into a great conflagration. Such a time was the late civil war in North America, which was the cause of the emancipation of the slaves in the Southern states, when, to correspond with it, at about the same epoch, but from entirely different causes, came the liberation of the serfs all through Russia.
Alexander II. and Abraham Lincoln then found a bond of fellowship existing between them, which nothing could break, and the masses in Russia and in the United States, were only too ready to take up the double event and magnify it in their feeling to an unlimited extent. Then many other points of similarity were discovered; the great extent of territory of both nations, giving each a future in the development of the resources placed there by nature, whether on the surface of the earth or under it, which restricted limits had denied to the other nations of the continent. This same vastness of land, educating many to be merchants, and farmers, and miners, and railroad owners on a grand scale, caused a corresponding freedom of thought and independence of action,—in other words democratized the people who had come under its influence,—in a way which cannot well be appreciated by those whose life is passed in crowded cities alone, where the prestige of courts and the presence of cliques make individuality much less marked.
The two nations, the republic and the empire, owned a wide frontage on the Pacific ocean, which they came in imagination to regard as a huge lake, and this their common property. Other events, too, at this time were used with great effect; such as the arrival of the Russian squadron in America (The Russian fleet in New York, Boston, and San Francisco in 1863.), the visit of Assistant Secretary of the Navy Fox in 1866, and that of Admiral Farragut in 1867, (Admiral Farragut was in Russia the greater part of August in that year, and it was said the friendship and courtesy of both government and people were especially marked.) the purchase of Alaska (In 1867, organized July 27, 1868.) and the return call of the Grand Duke Alexis to the United States. (The third son of the Emperor Alexander II. of Russia visited this country in December 1871, and at a banquet Oliver Wendell Holmes welcomed him with the following words:—
‘Bleak are our shores with the blasts of December, Fettered and chill is the rivulet’s flow, But throbbing and warm are the hearts that remember Who was our friend when the world was our foe.’
There was a gift to the poor of New York when the Russian squadron took leave of New York in 1863, a voluntary subscription of $4,760 from the officers, and during the famine in Russia in 1891, our government sent over five large steamers loaded with grain collected from almost every state in the Union.)
But, supposing there were no characteristics in common, it will not soon be forgotten in America that, during the long years of the terrible war, while many of the nations of Europe were clinging to the policy of keeping an uncompromising but none the less watchful armed neutrality, rulers and aristocracies in their hearts against the cause of the North, while the lower classes everywhere went with it, Russia, of all the great nations, alone came forward, and gave openly its sympathy to the side which represented a more advanced civilization, and which as such, in spite of its many disheartening defeats, was bound to triumph in the end. A person who is hard pressed in life, when a friend comes up to give him encouragement, does not stop to reflect why it is given, and try to put a selfish construction on the offer, he accepts it on the spot, and is not apt to forget the donor in a hurry. So Americans are not to be easily persuaded that Russia’s assistance to them at that critical period in their country’s history, was a mere diplomatic sham and meaningless parade. They are willing to be ignorant still, if this is so, and need more powerful arguments to disprove them than have yet been raised by their officious counsellors.”
THE RUSSO-AMERICAN FEVER.
In the year of my first journey to Russia, 1866, the Russo-American fever was at its height, and it was a very pleasant thing for those who caught it when travelling in the other country. They were fêted and hugged, and wined, and tossed, according to the customs of the people, and their nationality alone was a sufficient passport to pass them along the lines of sight-seeing and pleasure, passing unchallenged,—nay, rather invited in. The entire nation was in the attitude of “present arms” to him from the other country who desired to pass through on a tour of inspection.
* * * * *
“And the great ships sail outward and return, Bending and bowing o’er the billowy swells, And ever joyful, as they see it burn, They wave their silent welcomes and farewells.” —_Henry W. Longfellow, The Lighthouse._
FINIS.
PORT SAID. OPENING OF THE SUEZ CANAL. ]
INDEX TO PERSONS, PLACES, AND SUBJECTS
Academy of Fine Arts, St. Petersburg, 151.
Academy of Music, Brooklyn, N. Y., 90.
Academy of Music, Newport, R. I., 32.
Admiralty, St. Petersburg, 151.
After Emancipation, 58, 200.
Agricultural Exhibition, 174.
Alabama Claims, 219.
Alaska, 172, 186, 225.
Albania, 108.
Alexander I., 186, 192.
Alexander II., 77, 81, 92, 94–96, 106, 134, 136–138, 161, 162, 164, 173–175, 184, 194–197, 200, 211, 216, 222, 224, 225.
Alexander II., Death of, 203–205.
Alexander II., Monument, 205.
Alexandria, 179.
Alice, yacht, 17–19, 23, 25, 27, 117.
Allston, Washington, 125–132.
Andrews, Christopher Columbus, 169, 170.
Appleton, D. & Co., 146, 153.
Appleton, Thomas Gold, 17–20, 23, 25, 42, 117, 123, 126, 129–132, 148.
Appomattox Court House, Va., 62, 64.
Army of the Potomac, 21, 22, 156, 158.
Artillery Brigade, 157.
Artists’ Club, St. Petersburg, 99.
Ashuelot, man-of-war, 136.
Asniéres, 24.
Astor, W. W., 146.
Augusta, man-of-war, 136.
Avenue de l’Opera, Paris, 35.
Ball, Thomas, 66.
Baltic Sea, 24, 73, 186.
Baltimore, Md., 44, 55, 99.
Banks, Nathaniel P., 160, 168–174, 176, 179, 181, 183, 207, 213.
Barlow, S. L. M., 145.
Bartlett, Joseph J., 30.
Battle of Antietam, 52.
Beaumont, Sir George, 130, 131.
Behring Straits, 103.
Behring, Vitus, discoverer, 103.
Bellevue Avenue, Newport, R. I., 29.
Belmont, August, 33, 145–147.
Bennett, James Gordon, 27, 28.
Bennett, James Gordon, Jr., 27–29, 34, 36, 159.
Berdan, Hiram, 173, 176.
Berlin, 24, 26, 39, 68–74, 167.
Besborodko, Koucheleff, Count, 93, 141.
Bicknell, Albion H., 64.
Bismarck-Schonhausen, Otto Edward Leopold, Prince von, Chancellor of the Empire, 222.
Black Sea, 214.
Bois de Boulogne, 20, 23, 38–40, 111, 162, 165.
Boit, Edward D., 203.
Boston, 9, 19, 66, 103, 116, 119, 127, 128, 221, 224.
Boston Athenæum, 128.
Boston Board of Trade, 177.
Boston Museum of Fine Arts, 129.
Boston Public Library, 141.
Boulevard des Italiens, Paris, 36.
Bowditch, Henry P., 158.
Bowles Brothers & Co., Bankers, 168.
Bowles, Charles, 34, 168, 177.
Bowles, Drevet & Cie, Paris, 17.
Bowles, Robert, 127.
Boyer, Alexandre, 183.
Brest, 9, 11, 14, 16, 24.
Brevoort House, New York, 90.
Brevoort Place, New York, 89.
Bric-a-Brac Club, Boston, 148.
Brighton Road, Brighton District, Boston, 87, 123, 135.
Brindisi, 179.
Brown, Edward Ingersol, 132.
Brown, John Murray, 181.
Brussels, 24, 26, 39, 68.
Bullock, Alexander H., 167.
Burgess, Frank, 9, 16, 23, 39, 84, 122, 144.
Burlingame, Anson, 165–169, 180.
Burlington Arcade, London, 85.
Café Napolitaine, Paris, 26, 27.
Cairo, Egypt, 179, 216.
Cambridge, Mass., 159.
Cameron, Simon, 50.
Camp Douglas, 21.
Carnatz Connection, 106.
Carolina Filly, 30.
Caspian Sea, 108.
Catherine II., 193.
Caucasus, 186.
Centennial Exposition, Philadelphia, 129.
Cercle des Capucines, 38.
Cercle Franco-Américain, 37, 38.
Champ de Mars, St. Petersburg, 173.
Chandler, Zachariah, 168.
Charing Cross Hotel, London, 20.
Chase, Salmon P., 55, 64.
Chicago, 10.
Chicago Exposition, 66, 129.
China, steamship, 18.
Chinese Embassy, 167–169.
Christmas Day, 81, 92, 98, 103, 113, 114, 122, 132, 133.
Church of Saint Sophia, 140.
Church of Sault Isaac, 86, 87.
Circassia, 83, 85, 92, 108, 142, 145, 147, 204.
Clark, Arthur H., 17, 18.
Clay, Cassius M., 82, 94–96, 98, 137.
Clyde Park, 30.
Coaching Club, 28.
Coffey, Titian J., 172, 173, 177.
Colfax, Schuyler, 65.
Cologne, 69.
Commune, France, 36, 37.
Commune, or Mir, Russia, 201–203.
Compiègne, 20.
Comte, Auguste, 181.
Constantinople, 39, 76, 102, 169, 179, 180, 213–216, 222.
Copenhagen, 168, 171.
Corbin, Austin, 29.
Costume Ball, 144–147.
Cotton Exposition, New Orleans, 21.
Country Club, Brookline, Mass., 30, 32, 33.
Cowdin, Elliot C., 166.
Cowes, 18, 19.
Cowes Roads, 18.
Cracow, 154, 155.
Crane, Edward A., 182.
Crimea, 23, 193, 194.
Crimean War, 193, 194, 197, 215, 216, 222.
Cronstadt, 97, 136.
Crowninshield, B. W., 156.
Cuba, 26, 172.
Curtin, Andrew G., 168, 172, 173, 177, 180.
Curtin, Jeremiah, 81, 103, 118, 134, 181.
Curtis, T. B., 25, 39.
Danube River, 181, 217.
Dauntless, yacht, 29.
Davis, Tom Kemper, 126.
De Gogorza, Anthoine, 183.
De Lesseps, Ferdinand, Count, 164, 165, 179, 182, 183.
Delmonico’s, New York, 144.
De Long, George W., 159.
Demidoff Mines, 87.
De Richelieu, Armand Emanuel du Plessis, Duke, 178.
De Trobriand, Philippe Regis, 20, 21, 24, 91.
Dieppe, 24.
District of Columbia, 45, 49.
Dix, John A., 165–167.
Dneiper River, 185.
D’Osuna et de l’Ynfantado, Duke, Spanish Ambassador, 82, 93, 98.
Dresden, 25, 106, 155.
Drexel, A. J., 34, 35, 168.
Drexel, Harjes & Co., 34, 168.
Dumaresq, Armand, 37.
Dvina River, 185.
Easton’s Beach, Newport, R. I., 31.
Elsinore, 170, 184.
Emancipation, Compensated, 48–50, 60, 196, 197, 199.
Emancipation, Double Event of, 224.
Emancipation, Gradual, 48–50, 196, 197.
Emancipation Law of Russia, Manifesto, 198, 199, 200.
Emancipation, Proclamation in the United States, 52–54.
Emancipation, Result of War, 50, 193.
Emperor of Austria, Franz Joseph I., 182.
English Channel, 18, 117.
English Club, St. Petersburg, 134.
Erlanger, Emile, 183.
Erlanger, Louis, Count Excelmans, 183.
Europe and America in 1870, 207, 209–222.
Evans, Thomas W., 35, 180, 182, 183.
Executive Mansion or White House, 48, 51, 62.
Faneuil Hall, Boston, 41.
Farragut, David Glasgow, Admiral, 224.
Fearing, H. S., 145.
Fetridge, William Pembroke, 34, 36, 38.
Fifth Avenue, New York, 29.
Fifth Corps, Army of the Potomac, Union Forces, War of 1861-’65, 156, 157, 158.
Fifth Mass. Battery, Light Artillery, 63, 116, 157.
Fifteenth Amendment, 57, 58, 60.
Fifty-fifth N. Y. Regt. Inf., 21.
Finland, 186.
Finland, Grand Duchy of, 186.
Finland, Gulf of, 97, 172, 186.
First Mass. Battery, Light Artillery, 158.
First Mass. Cavalry, 16, 156–158.
Fish, Hamilton, 22.
Fleetwing, yacht, 27.
Fogg Museum, Harvard College, 71.
Folies Dramatiques, Paris, 10.
Fontainebleau, 162.
Forbes, Paul, 161, 183.
Ford’s Theatre, Washington, D. C., 61, 66.
Forest of Fontainebleau, 42.
Four-in-Hand Club, 28.
Fourteenth Amendment, 56, 57, 59.
Fox, Gustavus Vasa, 36, 135, 136, 185, 224.
Fox’s Mission, 135, 136.
Fremont, John C., 47, 48, 50.
Friederichshamm, Peace of, 186.
Frog Pond, Boston Common, 85.
Fugitive Slave Law, repeal of, 55.
Gagarine, Julie, Princess, 121.
Galitzine, Prince, 150.
Garcia, John, 36.
Gare de l’ Ouest, Paris, 15.
Garrison, William Lloyd, 44.
Gautier, Théophile, 40.
General Kotzebue, steamship, 179, 182.
German Club, Moscow, 115.
Gettysburg, Penn., 64.
Gillig, Henry F., 26.
Goddard, Ely, 33.
Golden Horn, 181.
Gortschakoff, Alexander Michailowitsch, Prince, 95, 96, 150, 211.
Gostinny Dvor, Moscow, 108.
Gott, Daniel, 45.
Goubareff, Demetrius, 222, 223.
Grand Duchess Helena, 200.
Grand Duke Alexis, 225.
Grand Duke Constantine, 194, 200.
Grand Duke Nicholas, 174.
Grand Hotel, Paris, 15, 16, 24, 35, 166.
Grand Opera, Moscow, 115.
Grand Opera, Paris, 24.
Grand Opera, St. Petersburg, 84, 88, 141, 143, 149.
Grand Prix, Paris, 161.
Grand Theatre, Moscow, 105.
Grant, Ulysses S., 65, 66, 173.
Gray Collection of Engravings, 70, 71.
Gray, Francis Colley, 70.
Gray, George Griswold, 28, 33.
Great Eastern, steamship, 18.
Greek Church, 181, 182, 188.
Green, J. Orne, 72.
Gregg, John I., 156, 157.
Hamburg, 168.
Harvard College, 22, 70, 89.
Havana, Cuba, 26.
Hayti, 44, 51.
Healy, G. P. A., 203.
Henrietta, yacht, 27, 28.
Hereditary Medals, 205.
Hermitage, 84, 151.
Higginson, Frank L., 17.
Holland, J. G., 44.
Holy Synod, 188, 205, 206.
Hooker, Joseph, 62.
Hotel de la Paix, 9.
Hotel Dusaux, Moscow, 103.
Hudson River, 28.
Hunnewell, Hollis, 17.
Hunt, William Morris, 40–42.
Hunter, David A., 50.
Hurlburt, William Henry, 145.
Hyde Park, London, 111.
Imperial Library, St. Petersburg, 151.
Invitation, Note of, 94.
Isla, 141.
Ismail Pasha, Khedive of Egypt, 216.
Ismailia, 179.
Ivan III., 185.
Jackson, Charles C., 17, 25.
Jagellon, Duke of Lithuania, 154.
Jamaica Pond, Roxbury, Mass., 135.
Jay, William, 28.
Jeannette, steamship, 159.
Jerome, Lawrence, 29.
Jerome, Leonard W., 27.
Jockeys’ Ball, 32.
Johnson, Andrew, 117, 136.
Johnson, “Ned”, 27.
Jonesville, East Tennessee, 44.
Khedive, 180, 182, 216, 219.
Kimball, Moses, 66.
King of Prussia, William I., 161, 164.
Knapp, A. W., 29.
Königsberg, 24, 70, 73.
Kosciusko, Thaddeus, 153, 154.
Kremlin, Moscow, 103, 105, 107, 108, 114, 116, 121, 187.
Kremlin, Novgorod, 140.
Kronborg Castle, 170.
Kropotkin, Prince, 204.
Kung, Prince, 166.
Lafayette, Gilbert Motier de, 37, 44.
Lamson, Daniel S., 89, 90.
Lane, David, 89.
Lee, John C., 168.
Lee, Robert E., 21, 52, 62.
Le Ray, Maurice, 16.
Lincoln, Abraham, 41–67, 166, 204, 224.
Lincoln, Abraham, Death of, 61–63.
Lincoln, Abraham, Statues of, 64, 66.
Lithuanian Provinces, 74, 194.
Lockwood, Alfred, 36.
London, Eng., 17, 23, 39, 120, 207, 222.
Long Branch, New Jersey, 221.
Longchamps, 25, 161.
Longfellow, Charles A., 16–19, 23–25, 26, 38, 39, 69, 70, 72, 82, 84, 94, 97, 98, 105, 114, 118, 119, 123, 138–140, 142, 148, 151, 153–159.
Longfellow, Ernest, 23, 122.
Longfellow, Henry W., 16, 38, 70, 88, 125.
Lorillard, George, 36.
Lorillard, Louis, 36.
Loubat, J. F., Duc de, 35, 36, 136.
Louvre, Paris, 23.
Lundy, Benjamin, 43.
Lyrique, Paris, 23.
Manchuria, 186.
Manhattan Club, New York, 145.
Manifesto of Emancipation, Russia, 198.
Marble, Manton, 145.
Martin, Augustus P., 157.
Maximilian, Ferdinand Joseph, Emperor of Mexico, 163.
Mazourka, 115, 121, 154.
McClellan, George B., 52.
McVickar, William H., 28.
Meade, George G., 156.
Mediterranean Sea, 179.
Merrill, T. Watson, 159.
Mesnil, Baron de, 31.
Metropolitan, Moscow, 181.
Metropolitan, St. Petersburg, 137.
Miantonomoh, monitor, 136.
Mickiewicz, Adam, 155.
Mill Dam Road, Boston, 83.
Mine Run, 156, 157.
Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Russia, 96, 188.
Ministry of Public Instruction, Russia, 186, 188.
Mississippi River, 47.
Morley, Henry, 19.
Moscow, 24, 38, 39, 76, 81, 86, 98–103, 105, 114, 116–118, 121, 134, 139, 176, 177, 181, 185, 187, 189, 194, 205.
Moscow, gas-lighting of, 152.
Mount Cenis Tunnel, 179.
Mount Pleasant, Ohio, 44.
Muscovy, 187.
Nahant, Mass., 18, 153, 159.
Napoleon Bonaparte, 73, 102, 176.
Napoleon III., 25, 161–164, 180, 216, 217.
Narragansett Avenue, Newport, R. I., 32.
National Museum, Washington, D. C., 67.
Navy and Army Club, Cronstadt, 97.
Neva Club, 134.
Neva River, 39, 84, 85, 108, 137, 151, 153, 184, 185.
Neva Skating Club, 84, 85, 93.
Nevski Prospect, St. Petersburg, 83, 87, 111, 134, 205.
Newfoundland, 18.
New or Mount Hope Church, Va., 16, 156–158.
New London, Conn., 29.
New Orleans, La., 21.
Newport, N. H., 29.
Newport, R. I., 16, 28–33, 147, 150, 221.
Newport, R. I., Beach, 30–33, 121.
Newport, R. I., Jockey Club, 31.
New York City, 9, 10, 14, 21, 28, 29, 36, 60, 63, 77, 89, 90, 120, 135, 136, 166, 221, 224, 225.
New York Club, 90, 91.
New York Yacht Club, 27, 28.
Nice, 207, 222.
Nicholas I., 95, 192, 193, 194.
Nicholas II., 202, 203, 205, 206.
Nisbet, W. F., 153.
Nobility Club, 115.
Non-Intervention of the United States, 218–220.
Norton, Charles B., 183.
Nottaway Court House, Va., 62.
Novgorod, 135, 140, 141, 185.
Nuba Pasha, 182.
Odessa, 24, 98, 177–179, 187, 208.
Oglesby, R. J., 65.
Oldroyd Lincoln Memorial Collection, 67.
Opera House, Berlin, 72.
Oriental Quadrille, 144, 146, 147.
Oscar, King of Sweden and Norway, 170.
Otis, James, 147.
Otis, William C., 28.
Ourousoff, Prince, 31, 121, 150.
Ourousoff, Princess, 150.
Palais Royal, Paris, 10.
Panama Canal, 29, 37, 164, 178, 183.
Paris, 9–11, 14–17, 20, 22, 24, 25, 27, 34–40, 68, 69, 73, 83, 85, 86, 88, 103, 115, 117, 126, 153, 155, 161–169, 176, 179, 183, 203, 207, 222, 223.
Paris Exposition of 1867, 39, 41, 151, 160, 164.
Passage, St. Petersburg, 85.
Passage des Panoramas, Paris, 85.
Patriarch Adrian, 188.
Patriarch of Constantinople, 181, 182.
Patriarchal Cathedral, 114.
Patti, Adelina, 26, 27.
Paul, Emperor, 191.
Peabody, George, 152, 153.
Peabody, S. Endicott, 168.
Perkins, C. C., 26.
Peter the Great, 85, 98, 187, 188, 190.
Peter III., 193.
Philippe’s, Paris, 39.
Phœnix, Lloyd, 36.
Picpus Cemetery, Paris, 37.
Pierce, Josiah, Jr., 88.
Place de la Concorde, Paris, 161.
Place de l’Opera, Paris, 35.
Place du Nouvel Opera, Paris, 9.
Plevna, 204.
Poland, 75, 80, 153–155, 186, 195.
Polar Sea, 186.
Pompeiian Villa, 24.
Pomutz, George, 176.
Port Said, 179, 182, 226.
Post, Albert Kintzing, 21.
Postal Union, 219.
Post, Waldron Kintzing, 22.
Prague, Peace of, 210.
Pratt, Thomas, 36.
Pré Catalan, 165.
Presentation, 92, 173.
Proclamation of Emancipation, 52–54.
Raasloff, Waldemar Rudolph, 168, 171.
Rappahannock River, Va., 63.
Rescript of Nazimof, 195.
Review of Troops in France, 161, 162.
Review of Troops in Russia, 121, 173–176.
Review of Troops in Sweden, 170.
Rhodes, 179.
Rice, Alexander H., 177.
Rice, A. Thorndike, 146.
Riggs, Elisha, 36.
Ristori, Adelaide, 25, 26.
River Rhine, 218.
Riverside Park, Cambridgeport, Mass., 115.
Roberts, Benjamin Stone, 97.
Rome, 39, 87, 93, 130, 211.
Rosalie, 123, 125–129, 131.
Rue Auber, Paris, 36.
Rue Castiglione, Paris, 176.
Rue de là Paix, Paris, 9, 17, 24, 35.
Rue Royale, Paris, 176.
Rue St. Honoré, Paris, 176.
Rurik, yacht, 136, original settler, 185.
Russell, Harry, 32.
Russia and the United States, 186, 223–225.
Russian Beggar, 75, 201.
Russian Horse, 77, 78, 81, 97, 98, 105, 106, 108–113, 115, 120, 121, 150.
Russian Navigation Company, 179.
Russian Sleigh, 77, 78, 81, 83, 87, 94, 105, 120, 149.
Russian Yacht Club, 84.
Saint Cloud, 164.
Saint Gaudens, Augustus, 66.
Saint Germain, 223.
Saint Louis, Mo., 47.
Saint Michel Theatre, St. Petersburg, 88.
Saint Petersburg, 17, 19, 24, 38, 39, 72, 74, 78, 81, 82, 91, 92, 96, 98, 102, 103, 108, 116–118, 121, 122, 132–134, 136, 138, 139, 143, 145, 152–154, 167–169, 172, 173, 176, 177, 181, 187, 197, 203, 215, 216.
Saint Petersburg and Moscow Railroad, 99, 101, 177.
Saint Petersburgh and Warsaw Railroad, 80, 177.
Saint Thomas, island, 171.
Samanos, Augustus, 36.
San Francisco, 10, 91, 124, 167, 181, 224.
Sargent, Harry, 17.
Sayles, Henry, 132.
Scilly Islands, 9.
Secession of Southern States, 46.
Serfs, 189–191.
Serfs, Emancipation of, 192–203.
Seward, William H., 51, 54, 55, 64.
Shattuck, George B., 70, 124, 143.
Sherman, William T., 65.
Siberia, 191, 193.
Simpson, Matthew, 62.
Sixteenth Mass. Infantry, 90.
Smith, Charles K., 86, 89–91.
Snead, Thomas L., 48.
Soldiers’ Home, Washington, D. C., 43.
Somerset Club, Boston, 22.
Southwell, Viscount, 32, 33.
Souworoff, or Suwarrow, Alexander Vasilievitch, Count Rymnikski, 143.
Spanish Ambassador, St. Petersburg, 93, 98, 99.
Spencer, Lorillard, 35.
Springfield, Ill., 62.
Staigg Portrait, 117, 122, 124, 132, 133.
Staigg, Richard M., 123, 124, 152.
Stanfield, Harry, 17–19, 23, 24, 29.
Stevenson, Robert H., 25, 27.
Stockholm, Sweden, 167, 169, 170, 180.
Straits of Dover, 220.
Strogonoff, Count, 177.
Suez Canal, 35, 164, 168, 169, 178–180, 208, 215–217, 226.
Sully, Thomas, 126–128.
Sultan of Turkey, Abdul-Aziz, 162, 163, 216, 219.
Sykes, George, 156.
Synod, Holy, 188, 205, 206.
System of Government in Russia, 187–189.
Talleyrand-Perigord, Charles Maurice, Prince of Benevento, 13.
Tchudova, 140.
Thies, Louis, 70.
Thirteenth U. S. Infantry, 21.
Thirty-first U. S. Infantry, 20, 21.
Tilsit, Peace of, 73.
Tivoli, 152.
Trumbull, Lyman, 46.
Tsarskoë Selo, 150.
Union Club, San Francisco, 91.
Union Pacific Railroad, 167.
United States Treasury, 62, 117, 178.
Upsala, 170.
Ural Mountains, 108.
Venice, 102.
Versailles, 23, 36, 98.
Vesta, yacht, 27.
Vevey, Switzerland, 222.
Vice Roi of Egypt, 182, 216.
Victoria Theatre, Berlin, 70.
Vienna, 25, 39, 102, 153, 155.
Ville de Paris, steamship, 9, 14.
Virginia, 156.
Voisin, Armand, 36.
Volga River, 108.
Wainwright, Charles S., 62.
War Department, Washington, D. C., 67.
Warsaw, 24, 148, 153.
War with Spain, 172, 219.
Washburn, Elihu B., 165, 168.
Washington Club, Paris, 22, 29, 34–38.
Washington, D. C., 11, 16, 43, 61, 127, 165, 166, 181, 183, 213, 219.
Washington Heights, 27, 28.
Waterloo, 26, 39, 68.
Wayman, Bishop, 65.
Wheeling, West Virginia, 43.
Whistler, George W., 98, 99.
Whistler, James A. McN., 98.
White Sea, 185.
Willett, “Bronnie,” 34.
Wilna, 24, 70, 73, 74, 79.
Wilson, Henry, 65.
Winans, Ross, 88, 98, 99, 177.
Winans, Thomas de Kay, 99.
Winans, William Louis, 99.
Winter Palace, St. Petersburg, 95, 121, 134, 137, 149, 173, 205.
Winthrop, Eugene, 35.
Winthrop, Robert, 221.
Wood, Fernando, 168.
Wordsworth, William, 131, 132.
Woronzoff, Prince, 178.
Wright, Frances, 44.
Wright, Joseph A., 72.
Wright, Smith, 129, 130.
Yacht Club Pond, 84.
Yacht Club Skating Ground, 141.
Young, Samuel P., 105.
TRANSCRIBER’S NOTES
● Fixed typos; non-standard spelling and dialect retained. ● Enclosed italics font in _underscores_.