ΜΑΡΚΟΝ ΝΩΝΙΟΝ ΕΥΤΥΧΗ ΤΟΝ ΑΞΙΟΛΟΓΩΤΑΤΟΝ ΓΡΑΜΜΑΤΕΑ ΒΟΥΛΗΣ ΔΗΜΟΥ ΣΕΙΤΩΝΗΣΑΝΤΑ ΕΙΡΗΝΑΡΧΗ- -ΣΑΝΤΑ ΣΤΡΑΤΗΓΗΣΑΝΤΑ ΔΕΚΑΠΡΩΤΕΥΣΑΝΤΑ ΚΑΙ ΔΙ ΟΛΟΥ ΤΟΥ ΕΤΟΥΣ ΠΡΩΤΟΝ ΚΑΙ ΜΟΝΟΝ ΦΙΛΟΤΕΙΜΩΣ ΑΓΟΡΑΝΟΜΗΣΑΝΤΑ ΚΑΙ ΘΕΝΤΑ ΕΛΑΙΟΥ ΗΜΕΡΑΣ ΠΕΝΤΕ Η ΛΑΜΠΡΟΤΑΤΗ ΚΑΙΣΑΡΕΩΝ ΤΡΑΛΛΙΑΝΩΝ ΠΟΛΙΣ ΕΚ ΤΩΝ ΙΔΙΩΝ ΠΡΟΣΟΔΩΝ ΠΡΟΝΟΗΣΑΜΕΝΩΝ ΤΗΣ ΑΝΑΣΤΑ- -ΣΕΩΣ ΤΗΣ ΤΙΜΗΣ Μ ΑΥΡ ΛΗΤΟΙΔΟΥ ΙΟΥΛΙΑΝΟΥ ΧΡΥΣΟΦΟΡΟΥ ΚΑΙ Μ ΑΥΡ ΤΡΟΦΙΜΟΥ ΓΡΑΜΜΑΤΕΩΣ.

NOTE TO PAGE 253.

In the annexed plate are plans, on a small scale, of the theatre and palæstra of Hierapolis, from the drawings of Mr. Cockerell. I know of only two other palæstræ, or gymnasia[561], in a state of preservation sufficient to give any useful information on the subject of these buildings, whose spacious chambers and massy walls show the importance which was attached to them by the ancients.

THE PALÆSTRA OF HIERAPOLIS.]

Near the mineral sources which rise in the centre of the site of Hierapolis, Mr. Cockerell observed the Plutonium or mephitic cavern, which eluded the search of Pococke and of Chandler. Dio accurately remarks that it was situated below the theatre, Strabo says that it was fatal to oxen placed within its influence, and both he and Dio assert that they exposed birds to it, which fell dead immediately. Mr. C. found several small birds lying dead near the grotto; and though he tried its effects on a fowl for a whole day without any result, he was assured by the inhabitants that it was sometimes fatal to their sheep and oxen, but that it was not always equally dangerous. The ancient authors who have mentioned this Plutonium are Strabo (p. 629.), Pliny (l. 2. c. 95.), Dion Cassius (l. 68. c. 27.), Apuleius (de Mundo), Ammianus (l. 23. c. 6.), and Damascius (ap. Photii Bibl. p. 1054.)

NOTE TO PAGE 259.

Pliny (l. 36. c. 21.) says, the temple of Ephesus was built “in solo palustri ne terræ motus sentiret aut hiatus timeret.”

NOTE TO PAGE 265.

Mr. Cockerell has been so kind as to furnish me with the following note on the antiquities of Sardes:—

“Sardes was magnificently situated on one of the roots of Mount Tmolus, which commands an extensive view to the northward over the valley of the Hermus, and the country beyond it. To the south of the city, in a small plain watered by the Pactolus, stood the temple, built of coarse whitish marble. The western front was on the bank of the river; the eastern under the impending heights of the Acropolis.

“Two columns of the exterior order of the east front, and one column of the portico of the pronaus, are still standing, with their capitals: the two former still support the stone of the architrave, which stretched from the centre of one column to the centre of the other. The columns are buried nearly to half their height in the soil, which has accumulated in the valley since their erection; chiefly, it is probable, by the destruction of the hill of the Acropolis, which is continually crumbling, and which presents a most rugged and fantastic outline. On the edges of its summit the remains of the ancient walls are still observable in many places. I was told that, four years ago, three other columns of the temple were still standing, and that they were thrown down by the Turks, for the sake of the gold which they expected to find in the joints[562].

“Besides the three standing columns which I have mentioned, there are truncated portions of four others belonging to the eastern front, and of one belonging to the portico of the pronaus; together with a part of the wall of the cella. When it is considered that these remains are 25 feet above the pavement, it cannot be doubted that an excavation would expose the greater part of the building: even now, however, there is sufficient above the soil to give an idea of the dimensions of the temple, and to show that it was one of the most magnificent in Greece; for though in extent it was inferior to the temples of Juno at Samus, and of Apollo at Branchidæ, the proportions of the order are at least equal to those of the former, and exceed those of the latter. The following plan and elevation will illustrate what I have just stated: the shading expresses those parts which still remain in their places above the soil.

“The dimensions are as follow:—

Diameter of the exterior columns, at about 35 feet F. In. below the capital 6 41⁄2 Diameter of the exterior columns under the capital 5 61⁄4 Diameter of interior columns under the capital 6 03⁄4 Diameter of the same under the caps 5 3

“The height of the entire column has been assumed from the proportions of those at Branchidæ, Miletus, &c. The stone A must have weighed 25 tons, and that above the centre intercolumnium was still larger.

“The capital, appeared to me to surpass any specimen of the Ionic I had seen in perfection of design and execution. I suppose the temple to have been an octastyle dipterus, with seventeen columns in the flanks; though in regard to the number in the flanks, I am more guided by the proportion of the other dipteral temples of the Ionic order than by any proof that can be derived from the ruins in their present state. The gradual diminution of the intercolumnia from the centre of the front to the angles, is remarkable, and, I believe, without any other example. The larger intercolumnium in the centre is indeed found in the temple of Diana at Magnesia; and is recommended by Vitruvius lib. iii. c. 11: the contraction of the intercolumnia, in the flanks, is exemplified in the temple of Samus. The smaller diameter of the interior columns is not uncommon in Greek temples: the capitals resembled those of the exterior order. The flutings are not continued in any of the columns below the capital; which I conceive to be a proof that this temple, like that of Apollo Didymeus, was never finished.

“The great height of the architrave, the peculiar style of the design and workmanship, and the difference of intercolumnia in the faces and in the flanks of the peristyle, I cannot but regard as tokens of high antiquity; and perhaps we may consider as no less so the vast size of the stones employed in the architrave; and the circumstance of their being single stones, whereas in the temple of Didyma and in the Parthenon there were two blocks in the same situation[563]. In subsequent times the durability ensured by this massive mode of construction was sacrificed for appearances, and for a more easy result.

“The merit of the very ancient architects in overcoming such a difficulty, and the great expense incurred by it, may be illustrated by the practical observation, that the price of the cubic foot of stone is doubled and trebled, according to size, as well in the quarrying as in the carriage and setting. Modern architecture has indeed succeeded in producing buildings of immense bulk, but they cannot be kept together without continued repair; and the triumph is little more than that of balancing a skeleton on its legs. In some late works only, such as the recent artificial docks and basins, have we imitated the solidity of the ancients.

“On the north side of the Acropolis of Sardes, overlooking the valley of the Hermus, is a theatre, attached to a stadium: in the manner of which we find several examples in Asia Minor. The stadium is near 1000 feet in length, the theatre near 400 in diameter.”

The subjoined plate is intended to show the relative proportions of the principal temples of Asia Minor, as well with each other as with the four most celebrated temples of European Greece. All these plans, except the first, are formed from observations made by skilful architects, on the existing ruins of the buildings.

1. _Temple of Diana at Ephesus._—Vitruvius mentions this building as an example of the class of temples which he calls dipterus; and one of the characters of which, according to him, is, that of having eight columns in front. His words, however, are ambiguous, and I am disposed to think that he alludes, not to the temple which existed in his time, but to the original work of Chersiphron of Cnossus, and his son Metagenes, who were cotemporaries of Theodorus and Rhœcus, the architects of the Heræum of Samus; and whose building, after having been enlarged by another architect, was destroyed by fire in the year B.C. 356: for it was not until then that the edifice was begun, which, after 220 years employed in its construction, was in perfection in the time of the Roman empire; when it was noticed by Strabo, Pliny, and Vitruvius[564]. In any case, as the expression of Vitruvius forms part of his absurd classification of temples[565], it deserves not much weight in contradiction to the description of the building by Pliny, whose principal data will be found (on the supposition that the temple was decastyle) to agree in a remarkable manner with each other, as well as with some other great examples of the Ionic order. Pliny relates that the temple was 220 feet in front, and 425 long, and that the diameter of the columns was one eighth of the height, which was 60 feet. The columns, therefore, were 71⁄2 feet in diameter; and the intercolumnia of the front, supposing them to have been all equal, were 16 feet, or only 9 inches less than the eustyle proportion of Vitruvius; which is 21⁄4 times the diameter of the column.

It has been thought that the side of this temple, having been less than double the front, the number of columns on the sides must also have been less than double the number in the fronts. But this is by no means a necessary consequence; on the contrary, we find that in the temples of Samus and Branchidæ, both of which had one column more in the flank than in the front, the side is less than double the front; and that the breadth exceeds half the length, even in a greater proportion than it did, according to the numbers of Pliny, in the temple of Ephesus. There is no reason, therefore, why the Ephesian temple, like the temples of the same order, which most nearly approached it in magnitude, namely those of Samus and Branchidæ, should not have had 21 columns in the sides. In regard to its total number of columns, which in our copies of Pliny is 127, there is evidently some error, as the number could not have been uneven. It is very possible that the early copiers of Pliny made the common oversight of omitting an unit, writing cxxvii. instead of cxxviii.; for such would have been the number if we suppose that there was a triple row of columns before the vestibule of the cell in front, as in the temples of Samus and Sardes, and also at the opposite end, as in the Olympium of Athens; together with four columns between the Antæ at either end of the cella, as the general construction of Greek temples renders highly probable.

As it cannot be certain whether Pliny refers to the Greek or Roman foot in this example, I have drawn the little plan in the plate by the same scale of English feet used for the other figures. The English foot being somewhat greater than the Roman, and smaller than the Greek, the error must be very trifling, whether Pliny used the Greek or Roman.

2. _Temple of Juno at Samus._—Herodotus has prepared us for the magnificence of this building. He names it, together with the temple of Ephesus, as the most admirable of all the works of the Grecians; and in another place he calls it the largest temple of which he has any knowledge[566]. Hence it appears that the Heræum of Samus was larger than the Artemisium of Ephesus as the latter existed in the time of Herodotus.

Although only one column of the Heræum deprived of its capital is now standing, its plan was ascertained by Mr. Bedford, one of the architects who accompanied Sir William Gell in the second Asiatic Mission of the Dilettanti. The length was 346 feet, the breadth 189. It was a decastylus dipterus, had 10 columns in front, 21 on the sides, a triple row in the pronaus, and a double row of four columns between the antæ at the entrance of the cella in front. The columns were about 7 feet in diameter at the bottom of the shaft, and about 60 feet high. The intercolumniation in the two fronts was 14 feet, in the flank only 101⁄2 feet, and in the flank of the pronaus something still less. There was no appearance of fluting in the columns. The material was the white and blueish-gray marble of the island.

3. _Temple of Apollo Didymeus at Branchidæ in the Milesia._—Of this building there remain two columns with the architrave, still standing: the remainder is an immense mass of ruin. The proportions of the order are more slender than those of Samus and Sardes, their height being 63 feet, with a diameter of 61⁄2 feet, at the base of the shaft. The architrave is lower, and the building much less ancient than those two temples. It was a decastylus dipterus, with 21 columns in the flanks, and 4 between the antæ of the pronaus: in all 112. The fluting of the columns is finished only in the exterior order; in the interior it exists only under the capital[567]. The material of the temple is white marble—in some parts blueish.

4. _Temple of Cybebe at Sardes._—Of this the foregoing note of Mr. Cockerell, the only person who has measured it with care, has furnished the reader with all that is known. The plan is constructed on the supposition, not yet sufficiently proved, that it had 17 columns on the sides, and not more than a double row at the back of the cella. Of the other particulars Mr. C.’s measurements leave no doubt.

5. _The Temple of Artemis Leucophryene_—which is now a mere heap of ruins, among other remains of the city of Magnesia on the Mæander. Its material is white marble, not of the purest kind. The length is 198 feet, the breadth 106; measured, as usual, on the upper step of the stylobate. There were 8 columns in the fronts and 15 in the sides, measuring 4 feet 8 inches in diameter at the bottom of the shaft. The number of columns was only 56; this temple being the example which Vitruvius has given of the pseudodipterus, a mode of construction by which 38 columns were saved, and a larger space was left for the reception of the people in the peristyle. The central intercolumnium of the temple of Magnesia is found to be three-fourths of a diameter greater than the other intercolumnia; and we are informed by Vitruvius that such was exactly the proportion of the central intercolumnium to the others in the eustylus, a disposition so called as being the most harmonious mode of proportioning the diameters to the intercolumnia. The other intercolumnia, however, of the temple of Magnesia do not bear so large a proportion to the diameter of the column, as the eustylus required.—Vitruvius informs us that Hermogenes of Alabanda, the architect of the temple of Magnesia, was the inventor both of the Pseudodipterus and Eustylus; but in regard to the former at least, his merit seems not to have been very great, as we now find from the observations of two architects, Messrs. Harris and Angell, who have lately resided six months at Selinus in Sicily for the purpose of examining the magnificent ruins at that place, which are much more ancient than the time of Hermogenes, that the great temple of Jupiter as well as one of the hexastyles was constructed on the principles of the pseudodipterus.

6. _The Temple of Bacchus at Teos._—The ruins of this building afford only the diameter of the column (about 3 feet 8 inches at the base), with a few less important details of the other parts of the construction. But we have some means of judging of the dimensions of the temple, from its being the example of the eustylus given by Vitruvius, who informs us also that it was a hexastylus monopterus[568]. The columns therefore being 3.8 in diameter, and the intercolumniation of the eustylus being 3 diameters in the centre with 21⁄4 in the four other intercolumnia, the total length of the front must have been about 64 feet on the upper step, which is very nearly the breadth of another Ionic hexastyle, namely the temple of Minerva at Priene. If we suppose the number of columns in the sides at Teos to have been the same as at Priene, namely 11, these two temples must have been nearly equal in length as well as in breadth. It seems highly probable that such was the number of columns in the sides at Teos, because Vitruvius, who chiefly extracted his theoretical system from the commentaries of the great architects of the Asiatic temples, prescribes the number of columns in the hexastyle to be not more than 11. One of those Asiatic writers, we know, was Hermogenes the architect of the temple at Teos; and he also was the inventor of the eustylus or beautiful proportion, of which this temple was an example[569].

1. EPHESUS, Ionic. 425 feet long, 220 broad.

2. SAMUS, Ionic. 346 × 189.

3. BRANCHIDÆ, Ionic. 304 × 65.

4. SARDES, Ionic. 251 × 144.

5. MAGNESIA, Ionic. 198 × 105.

6. TEOS, Ionic. 122 × 64.

7. PRIENE, Ionic. 122 × 63.

1. AGRIGENTUM, Doric. 358 × 172.

2. SELINUS, Doric. 358 × 164.

3. ATHENS (Olympium), Corinthian. 354 × 171.

4. ATHENS (Parthenon), Doric.]

7. Although the temple of Minerva at Priene seems to have closely resembled that of Bacchus at Teos in the length and breadth, its other proportions were different, the intercolumnia being smaller in proportion to the diameter of the column, which measures four feet and a quarter at the bottom of the shaft. The shaft was 38 feet high and fluted. The material of the temple, as well as of the other buildings of the city, was the stone of the mountain on which it stands—a blue and white marble, not of a very compact texture.

Vitruvius has not spoken of the temple of Sardes, probably because it was already in ruins in his time. The other six just enumerated are the great examples of the Ionic order to which he has particularly alluded, and which happen also to be the temples of Asiatic Greece of which the existing ruins furnish us with the most satisfactory details. There were other temples of great celebrity in that country; particularly those of Apollo at Grynium and at Clarus, of Hercules at Erythræ, and of Minerva at Phocæa, to which we may add that of Cyzicus destroyed by an earthquake in the reign of Antoninus Pius[570]; but no remains of these edifices, except that of Clarus, which is stated by Captain Beaufort to have been of the Doric order, have yet been discovered.

NOTE TO PAGE 268.

To the testimony of Livy as to the Phrygius might have been added that of Appian; but it is evident that in the description of the battle of Magnesia both the historians have drawn from the same source, namely Polybius, and Appian is less particular than Livy as to the topography of the position.

FOOTNOTES

[1] These remarks were written before the insurrection broke out in Greece—an event which will greatly increase the difficulties of travelling in Asia Minor.

[2] The coast between Cape Carambis and Sinope was not seen by Captain Gauttier, who has therefore borrowed that part from the Russian charts.

[3] An unfortunate fire destroyed the engravings prepared for Niebuhr’s third volume, and put a stop to its publication. I believe Major Rennell is in possession of a copy of the map of Niebuhr’s route through Asia Minor, struck from the plate before the fire.

[4] See the appendix to Mr. Kinneir’s Travels.

[5] In the latter part of the last century, Griffiths and Capper published their routes across the peninsula, from S.E. to N.W., but without adding much to geography.

[6] This is probably an error for Kílissa-Hissár, which, according to Hadji Khalfa, is the name of a castle near Bor; for the bearing and distance of Mr. Kinneir’s Ketch-Hissar from Nigde are sufficient to prove that it must have been very near the Bor of Hadji Khalfa and Paul Lucas.

[7] Mr. Kinneir calls this place Costambol; but the Turkish geographers give it the name in the text, which in fact is nothing more than a slight corruption of Castamon, its Greek name under the Byzantine empire. See Anna Comnena, l. 7. p. 206.—Nicet. in Joan. Comnen.—Chalcocond. l. 9. p. 259.—Leuncl. Annal. Turc.—It is to be regretted that Mr. Kinneir was not more careful in his orthography of places, which often requires correction from Hadji Khalfa, or modern travellers. Like Pococke he has omitted, in giving us his computation of miles, to add the actual _measure_ by the watch, which is generally the more useful of the two.

[8] The following are among some of the observations of the latitude of places on the road from Smyrna to Constantinople, made by Mr. Browne. They are taken from his manuscript papers.

Latitude. Longitude. Smyrna 38° 28′ 7′′ 27° 6′ 48′′ Magnesia 38° 41′ 30′′ Demir Kapu 39° 49′ 0′′ Balikesr 39° 32′ 0′′ Ulubad 40° 9′ 30′′ Mikhalitza 40° 16′ 30′′ Brusa 40° 9′ 30′′ Yenishehr 40° 12′ 0′′ Kizdervent 40° 32′ 0′′ Nicæa 40° 21′ 30′′

[9] It is almost unnecessary to remark that the latitudes and longitudes of Ptolemy are of very little use, though they may be sometimes employed as a concurrent testimony in proof of the vicinity of places.

[10] The routes of these three itineraries are described upon the map by a double line; and thus the part of the Peutinger Table relating to Asia Minor is (I believe for the first time) placed upon the real projection. This part of the Table has at the same time been engraved on the same plate with the Map, for the greater convenience of reference and comparison.

[11] Ante Christum, 401.

[12] A. C. 333.

[13] A. C. 189.

[14] An inquiry into the situation of the sees of the Greek bishoprics of the Lower Empire may sometimes assist the traveller in the discovery of the ancient _Pagan_ sites. In regard to the smaller places, this method may not often be successful, Turkish conquest and Christian depopulation having gradually obliterated the greater part of them; but it is difficult to suppose that the metropolitan, and some others of the more important sees, which are at the same time desiderata of ancient geography,—such as Synnada, Antiocheia of Pisidia, Perge, Philomelium, Pessinus, Amorium,—should be unknown to the Christians of Asia Minor, although their names may be no longer in common use.

[15] An Arabic word, meaning _master_, _ruler_.

[16] This name has been supposed to prove that Kutaya, the capital of Kermian, stands on the site of the Κεραμῶν ἄγορα of Xenophon; but there is no doubt that Kermian is a Turkish name, and foreign to ancient Asia Minor. The mosque of Sultan Kermian still exists at Kutaya.

[17] The rule which I have observed in writing Turkish names, requires the reader to pronounce the vowels as in Italian, and the consonants as in English. Gh, Dh, and Kh, are intended to express the aspirated forms of G, D, K. The accent is marked in all words, the sound of which might be doubtful without it.

[18] A kind of pipe in which the smoke is made to pass through water: used in every part of the East.

[19] The initial K, P, T, in names of places have generally among the modern Greeks the sound of G, B, D: this arises from their practice of using those names in the accusative case preceded by στὴν; for ν before κ, π, τ, gives the harder kindred sound to the vowel which follows. Before π the ν becomes converted into m: as, στὴν πόλιν—Constantinople, pronounced stim bólin. Whence the Turkish Stambol.

[20] Ὀρχάνης ... ἦλθε πρὸς τοῦ Βυζαντίου τὴν Περαίαν, ὃ Σκουτάριον ἐρχωρίως ὀνομάζεται.—Cantacuz. l. 4. c. 4.

[21] Antonin. Itin. ed. Wessel. p. 139. Hierosol. It. p. 572.

[22] Ἐν δὲ Βιθυνίᾳ τόπος ἐστὶ θινώδης ἀπὸ θαλάσσης καὶ πρὸς αὐτῷ κώμη τις οὐ μεγάλη Λίβυσσα καλεῖται—Plutarch. in Flam.

[23] Zonaras, l. 13. c. 16. Socrates, l. 4. c. 16. Sozomen, l. 6. c. 14. Cedrenus, p. 311. Theophanes, p. 50.

[24] Procop. de Ædif. l. 5. c. 2. Hist. Arcan. c. 30. Anna Comn. l. 10. p. 287.

[25] Διαβαίνειν αὐτὸν πλεῖον ἢ εἰκοσάκις ἐστὶ τοῖς τῇδε ἰοῦσι. Proc. de Ædif. l. 5. c. 2.

[26] Anna Comnena, l. 10. p. 286. ed. Paris.

[27] A similar confusion as to the Gallus and Sangarius seems to have prevailed in ancient times. Herodian places the city Pessinus on the Gallus; although we know from Polybius, Livy, and Strabo, that it stood on the banks of the Sangarius, not far from the sources of that river. Strabo, in describing the Gallus as the branch which joins the main river 300 stades from Nicomedia, has identified it with the river of Lefke.

[28] Mr. M. Kinneir found some antique remains, and copied some Christian Greek inscriptions here. Paul Lucas found some ruins, and transcribed some incomplete inscriptions at an Armenian village an hour and a half from Eski-shehr.

[29] Ann. Comn. l. 11. p. 317—l. 15. p. 469.

[30] Athen. l. 2, c. 5. ed. Casaub. Cinnam. l. 6. c. 74.

[31] Tab. Peutinger. Segm. vi. Anton. Itin. p. 202.

[32] Nacoleia was the chief fortress of this country in the reign of Arcadius, whose officer, Count Tribigild, with a garrison of Ostrogoths, rebelled against the Emperor, and reduced all the neighbouring country. Philostorg. l. 11. c. 8. For an account of the rebellion of Gainas and Tribigild, which illustrates several points of Asiatic geography, see Gibbon, c. 32, and the authors to whom he refers.

[33] I. Dorileo 28 Mideo 28 Tricomia 21 Pessinunte. Total 77 M. P. to Pessinus: the distance on the map is about 55 G. M. d.

II. Iter a Dorilao:—Arcelaio M. P. 30, Germa M. P. 20. Total 50 M. P.: the distance on the map is 57 G. M. d.

III. Dorileo Docymeo 32 Synnada 32 Jullæ 35 Philomelo 28 Laudicia Catacecaumeno. Total 127 M. P. _plus_ the distance from Dorylæum to Docimia. The distance upon the map is about 130 G. M. d.

IV. Dorileo 20 Necolea 40 Conni 32 Eucarpia 30 Eumenia Pella 12 ad vicum 14 Apamea Ciboton. Total 148 M. P. The distance upon the map is about 100 G. M. d.

V. Dorileo, 30 Cocleo (lege Cotyæo) 35 Agmonia 25 Aludda 30 Clanudda 35 Philadelfia. Total 155 M. P. The distance upon the map is about 120 G. M. d. The second of these roads is from the Antonine itinerary, the other four from the Peutinger Table.

The proportion between the real distances, and the amount of the several computed distances in Roman miles, shows that the distance, in the itineraries, from one place to another, cannot be relied on to within ten or twelve miles. In many instances, the errors of the Table are still greater.

[34] Herodot. l. 1. c. 142. l. 5. c. 59.

[35] Some fragments of these are to be seen in the British Museum.

[36] Strabo, p. 373.

[37] See Lanzi, Saggio di Lingua Etrusca. There is nothing, however, very surprising in this peculiarity of the Etruscan. The Greek alphabet, like its oriental prototype, was at first written from right to left, then indifferently either way, then alternately, in the manner called boustrophedon; and lastly, from left to right. It was imported into Etruria at a period when it was written in the earliest manner; and the Etruscans, by a practice often observable in colonies, seem to have adhered to the custom after it had been altered in the mother country.

It can no longer be doubted, from a comparison of the military architecture and other arts of the Etruscans with those of the Greeks, as well as from that of their language and writing, so ably investigated by Lanzi, that the two people had a common origin, or a common source of civilization. This source, in the opinion of the Greeks, was a people called Pelasgi, the last seat of whose prosperity was the country adjacent to the Thessalian Olympus. Driven away from thence about the fifteenth century before the Christian æra, they migrated to Asia, Crete, Epirus, and a part of them to Etruria; where they are said to have been joined, about two centuries afterwards, by a colony from Lydia. We find an evidence of the skill of the Pelasgi in military architecture, in the circumstance of the Athenians having employed some of those who were settled in Attica to fortify the Acropolis: and it is probable that the peculiar style of building exhibited in the walls of many ancient cities, as well in Greece as in Etruria and Italy, and which is the same in all, had its origin in the Pelasgic school. Hellanicus of Lesbus, and Dionysius of Halicarnassus, denied that the Etruscans had ever been colonized from Lydia: but in this they were opposed to the general opinion of antiquity, as shown by Herodotus, Strabo, Paterculus, Pliny, Seneca, Plutarch, Appian, Justin, and Tacitus. At the time of the War of Troy, the Pelasgi possessed the fertile plains on the south-eastern side of Mount Ida, and had given the name of the Thessalian Larissa to their chief town. Hom. Il. β. 840. Several other communities in the surrounding parts of Asia Minor were of Pelasgic origin, and Lydia is said to have received one of their colonies. (Plutarch in Romulo, Raoul Rochette Hist. des Colonies Grecques.) Etruria, therefore, in its manners, arts, language, and writing, could not have been very much altered by the addition of a Lydian colony, if any such event ever took place. Among the numerous instances of resemblance between the Etruscan and Æolic Greek adduced by Lanzi, I shall mention one only, as it is illustrated by a discovery of my own. 𐌀𐌐𐌋𐌖 Aplu, we find, by some of the monuments of Etruria, to have been the Etruscan name for Apollo; and Plato, in a passage of the Cratylus referred to by Lanzi, observes that Ἀπλοῦν or Ἀπλὸς was the name of the Thessalian Apollo. Between Larissa and Mount Olympus, in the part of Thessaly which, as late as the time of the Roman empire, was called Pelasgiotis, I found two marbles inscribed with dedications to this deity, ΑΠΛΟΥΝΙ. See Lanzi Saggio di Lingua Etrusca, tomo 2. p. 200, 224; Walpole’s Collection of Travels in Turkey, vol. 2. p. 506; Classical Journal, No. 52.

[38] Strabo, p. 568, 576.

[39] Attic. c. 4.

[40] Strabo, p. 571. Paus. _ib._

[41] Herod. l. 1. c. 14. Eusebius places the beginning of the reign of the first Midas in the fourth year of the tenth Olympiad, or 737 B.C.

[42] Herod. l. 1. c. 35.

[43] The first letter of this word appears to be the old gamma, letter was perhaps a Τ, of which a part of the upper line has been effaced. Upon this supposition, the name in Greek was ΓΑϜΑΤΤΑΗΣ, which bears a resemblance to the royal Lydian names, Sadyattes, Alyattes.

[44] Arrian. ap. Eustath. in Il. ε. p. 429.

[45] An inscription found by Pococke, at Nysa in the valley of the Mæander, qualifies one Artemidorus as Παπὰς τῶν τῆς πόλεως στρατηγῶν, and as Παπὰς ἄρχων. Pococke Inscr. Ant. p. 13.

[46] Lanzi, tom. 2. p. 144.

[47] Strabo, p. 577.

[48] Paus. Att. c. 18.

[49] Strabo, however, informs us that anciently these plains bore olives: he describes the plain of Synnada as an ἐλαιόφυτον πεδίον.

[50] Of pasture there appears from Cicero to have been a great abundance in Asia Minor, even when the country was still famous for the exuberance of its agricultural productions. Asia tam opima est et fertilis ut et ubertate agrorum et diversitate fructuum et magnitudine pastionis, et multitudine earum rerum quæ exportantur, facile omnibus terris antecellat. (Cicero pro lege Manil.) But probably even as early as the time of Cicero, Asia had suffered from the wars and military despotism of the Romans.

[51] Lib. 11. p. 323. Lib. 15. p. 471.

[52] It was a bishoprick under the metropolitan of Synnada, in whose province were also Nacoleia and Dorylæum.

[53] Procop. Hist. Ar. c. 18. Anna Com. ib. A bishop of Polybotum sat in the second Nicene Council, A.D. 787.

[54] Cicero ad Att. l. 5. ep. 20. ad Divers. l. 3. ep. 8.

[55] Cic. ib. et ad Div. l. 15. ep. 4.

[56] Σύνναδα δ’ ἔστιν οὐ μεγάλη πόλις· πρόκειται δ’ αὐτῆς ἐλαιόφυτον πεδίον ὅσον ἑξήκοντα σταδίων· ἐπέκεινα δ’ ἐστὶ Δοκιμία κώμη καὶ τὸ λατόμιον τοῦ Συνναδικοῦ λίθου· οὕτω μὲν γὰρ Ῥωμαῖοι καλοῦσιν οἱ δ’ ἐπιχώριοι Δοκιμίτιν καὶ Δοκιμαῖον, &c. Strabo, p. 577.

[57] Apamiam ... ante adpellatam Celænas, dein Ciboton. Sita est in radice montis Signiæ, circumfusa Marsya, Obrima, Orga fluminibus, in Mæandrum cadentibus. Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 29.

Inde in agrum Sagalassenum.... Progressus inde ad Obrimæ fontes ad vicum, quem Aporidis Comen vocant, posuit castra ... profectus eo die in Metropolitanum campum, postero die Dinias Phrygiæ processit. Inde Synnada venit, metu omnibus circa oppidis desertis, quorum jam præda grave agmen vix quinque millium die toto itinere perfecto, ad Beudos quod vetus appellant pervenit. Ad Anabura inde, &c. Liv. Hist. l. 38. c. 15.

[58] Ἐπεὶ δὲ κοινή τις ὁδὸς τέτριπται ἅπασι τοῖς ἐπὶ τὰς ἀνατολὰς ὁδοιποροῦσιν ἐξ Ἐφέσου καὶ ταύτην ἔπεισιν. Ἐπὶ μὲν τὰ Κάρουρα τῆς Καρίας ὅριον πρὸς τὴν Φρυγίαν διὰ Μαγνησίας καὶ Τραλλέων, Νύσης, Ἀντιοχείας, ὁδὸς 740 σταδίων. Ἐντεῦθεν δὲ ἡ Φρυγία διὰ Λαοδικείας καὶ Ἀπαμείας καὶ Μητροπόλεως καὶ Χελιδονίων· ἐπὶ μὲν οὖν τὴν ἀρχὴν τῆς Παρωρείου τοὺς Ὅλμους στάδιοι περὶ 920 ἐκ τῶν Καρούρων· ἐπὶ δὲ τὸ πρὸς τῇ Λυκαονίᾳ πέρας τῆς Παρωρείου τὸ Τυριάϊον διὰ Φιλομηλίου μικρῷ πλείους τῶν 500. Εἶθ’ ἡ Λυκαονία μέχρι Κοροπασσοῦ διὰ Λαοδικείας τῆς Κατακεκαυμένης 840· ἐκ δὲ Κοροπασσοῦ τῆς Λυκαονίας εἰς Γαρσάουρα, πολίχνιον τῆς Καππαδοκίας, ἐπὶ τῶν ὅρων αὐτῆς ἱδρυμένον, 120· ἐντεῦθεν δ’ εἰς Μάζακα, τὴν μητρόπολιν τῶν Καππαδόκων διὰ Σοάνδου καὶ Σαδακόρων 680· ἐντεῦθεν δ’ ἐπὶ τὸν Εὐφράτην μέχρι Τομισῶν, χωρίου τῆς Σοφηνῆς διὰ Ἡρφῶν πολίχνης 1440. Artemidorus ap. Strab. p. 663.

[59] Ἡ μὲν οὖν Παρώρεια ὀρεινήν τινα ἔχει ῥάχιν ἀπὸ τῆς ἀνατολῆς ἐκτεινομένην ἐπὶ δύσιν· ταύτῃ δ’ ἑκατέρωθεν ὑποπέπτωκέ τι πεδίον μέγα καὶ πόλεις πλησίον αὐτῆς, πρὸς ἄρκτον μὲν Φιλομήλιον, ἐκ θατέρου δὲ μέρους Ἀντιόχεια, ἡ πρὸς Πισιδίᾳ καλουμένη, ἡ μὲν ἐν πεδίῳ κειμένη πᾶσα, ἡ δ’ ἐπὶ λόφου, ἔχουσα ἀποικίαν Ῥωμαίων. Strabo, p. 577. It is evident from this passage how greatly the discovery of Antioch of Pisidia would assist the comparative geography of all the adjacent country.

[60] Lib. 15. p. 473.

[61] Lib. 5. c. 2.

[62] The following was the route of Cyrus, according to Xenophon:—

Stathmi. Parasangs. From Celænæ, afterwards Apameia Cibotus, to Peltæ, 2 or 10 Ceramorum Agora, at the end of Mysia, 2 — 12 Caystri Campus (a city), 3 — 30 Thymbrium, where was the fountain of Midas, 2 — 10 Tyriaium, 2 — 10 Iconium, 3 — 20 Through Lycaonia, 5 — 30 Through Cappadocia to Dana (Tyana), 4 — 25 Total 23 92

In Major Rennell’s work on the Retreat of the Ten Thousand, the reader will see the extreme difficulty of fixing the places on this route. Indeed there seems no mode of reconciling Xenophon with other geographical authorities than by supposing great errors in his numbers; for it is difficult to believe that his Καΰστρου πεδίον is not the same as that which Strabo (p. 629.) describes as watered by the Caystrus and situated on the south side of Mount Tmolus. In like manner there is the greatest reason to think that Thymbrium and the fountain of Midas were on the branch of the Sangarius called Thymbres in the country which formed the kingdom of Midas, and not in the plains between Ak-shehr and Ilgún, where we must place Thymbrium, if we follow the evidence of Xenophon’s numbers. Upon the whole, I am inclined to think that this itinerary of Xenophon is so incorrect that very little reliance can be placed on its authority. We have a strong proof of its inaccuracy in the positive assertion of Xenophon, that after he had crossed Mount Taurus, he marched twenty-five parasangs (or about seventy-five miles) in four days through the plain of Tarsus to the city, though Tarsus is only ten miles from the foot of that mountain. Xenophon probably meant four days from the halting-place of Cyrus, afterwards called the plain of Cyrus, on the north side of Taurus, but his words express the former meaning without the smallest ambiguity. Again, he places ten parasangs between Tarsus and the river Sarus, and only five between the Sarus and the Pyramus, although the real distances are nearly equal.

[63] Strabo, p. 534, 537, et seq.

[64] In a rude delineation of the country between Kesaría and Ak-shehr by a bishop of Iconium, published at Vienna in 1812, Bor is written πόρος, which suggests the origin of the word Bor—namely, that it is a Turkish corruption of the Greek πόρος, and that Porus was a suburb of Tyana, so called as being situated at the πόρος, or passage of the river, which now runs through Nigde and Bor into a lake near Erkle. Kílisa also is undoubtedly a Greek name (Κίλισσα, the feminine of Κίλιξ), derived from that of the neighbouring Cappadocian præfecture. The substitution of local names for provincial, and of provincial for local, was a kind of change common among the lower Greeks.

[65] Of course this distance must not be measured horizontally, the road from Mazaca to Tyana being plain, and that from Tyana to the Pylæ very mountainous.

[66] Strabo, ibid.

[67] D’Anville placed Cybistra at Bustere, which he supposed a corruption of the Greek word; but according to Hadjy Khalfa the name is Kostere not Bustere.

[68] See particularly the letter to Marcus Cato. Ep. ad Diversos, l. 15. ep. 4.—and that to Atticus, l. 5. ep. 20.

[69] Ἡ Καππαδοκία ... οἱ δ’ οὖν ὁμόγλωττοι μαλιστά εἰσιν οἱ ἀφοριζόμενοι πρὸς νότον μὲν τῷ Κιλικίῳ λεγομένῳ Ταύρῳ, πρὸς ἕω δὲ τῇ Ἀρμενίᾳ. Strab. p. 533. Ἡ Καταονία ... Περίκειται δ’ ὄρη ἄλλα τε καὶ ὁ Ἄμανος ἐκ τοῦ πρὸς νότον μέρους, ἀπόσπασμα ὂν τοῦ Κιλικίου Ταύρου, καὶ ὁ Ἀντίταυρος εἰς τἀναντία ἀπεῤῥωγώς. Strab. p. 535. Ptolemy (l. 5. c. 6.) describes Antitaurus as the mountain which extends from Taurus to the Euphrates.

[70] Strabo, p. 534.

[71] Ptolem. l. 5. c. 6.

[72] Ptolem. ibid.

[73] ... duci inde exercitus per Axylon quam vocant terram cœptus; ab re nomen habet: non ligni modo quidquam, sed ne spinas quidem, aut ullum aliud alimentum fert ignis. Fimo bubulo pro lignis utuntur. Pococke observes, “They are very much distressed in these parts for fuel, and commonly make use of dried cow-dung.” His remark on the abundance of fine fish in the Sangarius had not escaped the notice of the Latin historian: Sangarius ... non tam magnitudine memorabilis quam quod piscium adcolis ingentem vim præbet. Liv. Hist. l. 38. c. 18.

The merit of this accuracy, however, is not due to Livy, but to Polybius, from whom the Latin compiler copied this part of his history.

[74] Ἥτε δὴ Τάττα ἐστὶ καὶ τὰ περὶ Ὀρκαορυκοὺς καὶ Πιτνισὸν, καὶ τὰ τῶν Λυκαόνων ὀροπέδια, ψυχρὰ καὶ ψιλὰ καὶ ὀναγρόβοτα, ὑδάτων δὲ σπάνις πολλὴ· ὅπου δὲ καὶ εὑρεῖν δυνατὸν βαθύτατα φρέατα τῶν πάντων, καθάπερ ἐν Σοάτροις, ὅπου καὶ πιπράσκεται τὸ ὕδωρ· ἔστι δὲ κωμόπολις Γαρσαούρων πλησίον· ὅμως δὲ καίπερ ἄνυδρος οὖσα ἡ χώρα πρόβατα ἐκτρέφει θαυμαστῶς, τραχείας δὲ ἐρέας· καί τινες ἐξ αὐτῶν τούτων μεγίστους πλούτους ἐκτήσαντο. Ἀμύντας δ’ ὑπὲρ 300 ἔσχε ποίμνας ἐν τοῖς τόποις τούτοις. Εἰσὶ δὲ καὶ λίμναι Κώραλις μὲν ἡ μείζων, ἡ δὲ ἐλάττων Τρογῖτις. Ἐνταῦθα δέ που καὶ τὸ Ἰκόνιόν ἐστι, πολίχνιον εὖ συνῳκισμένον καὶ χώραν εὐτυχεστέραν ἔχον τῆς λεχθείσης ὀναγροβότου· τοῦτο δ’ εἴχε Πολέμων. Πλησιάζει δ’ ἤδη τούτοις τοῖς τόποις ὁ Ταῦρος, ὁ τὴν Καππαδοκίαν ὁρίζων καὶ τὴν Λυκαονίαν πρὸς τοὺς ὑπερκείμενους Κίλικας τοὺς Τραχειώτας. Λυκαόνων δὲ καὶ Καππαδόκων ὅριόν ἐστι τὸ μεταξὺ Κοροπασσοῦ κώμης Λυκαόνων καὶ Γαρσαούρων πολιχνίου Καππαδόκων. Ἔστι δὲ τὸ μεταξὺ διάστημα τῶν φρουρίων τούτων 120 που στάδιοι. Strabo, p. 568.

For the extract from Artemidorus, relating to the same subject, see page 57.

[75] Hadji Khalfa lived in the middle of the 17th century. Whether any wild asses or wild sheep are still found on the Lycaonian hills, I have never been able to learn; but it is certain that the ὄναγρος, or wild ass, is still hunted on similar hills in many parts of Persia. Naturalists have often confounded this animal with the zebra.

[76] Tab. Peutinger. segm. 6.

[77] Compare Hierocles and the Acts of the Councils of Ephesus, Chalcedon, and Constantinople, with the Notitiæ Græcorum Episcopatuum.

[78] Livy (l. 38. c. 15.) mentions a Caralitis palus; but it seems to have been situated further westward than Karajeli, and near the Cibyratis.

[79] Pococke, in mentioning this inscription in the Narrative of his Travels (vol. 2. part 2. ch. 15.), makes a blunder similar to that which I have noticed relating to another inscription at Afióm Karahissár. He observes, that the inscription at Alekiam contains the word “Amorianorum:” no such word occurs, but “Orcistanorum” is found twice; and the inscription, which is long and curious, and (what is very uncommon with Pococke) tolerably correct, clearly shows that Alekiam is the site of Orcistus.

[80] Notitiæ Episcopatuum Græcorum.

[81] In the Jerusalem Itinerary the places are distinguished by the words Civitas, city; Mutatio, changing-place; Mansio, konák.

[82] These four distances occur again in the Antonine (ed. Wessel, p. 205.), in the road from Ancyra to Cæsareia, or Mazaca, as follows—24, 18, 20, 22; but I have rejected them, because those given in the text from the Antonine are confirmed by the Jerusalem as far as Aspona. On the other hand, the 24 M. P. from Aspona to Parnassus, in the Antonine, is so far confirmed by the 22 of the same itinerary in the road to Cæsareia, as to make it probable that the 35 of the Jerusalem is erroneous.

[83] This part of the route in the Table is very incorrect. Nitazus seems to stand in the place of Corbeus, and _vice versa_; and the _names_ of Ancyra and Archelais are omitted.

[84] This distance is taken from the road from Tyana to Mazaca.

[85] By a route which must have been different from that of the other two itineraries; none of the names being alike.

[86] By assuming (from the Antonine) 16 M. P. for the last stage to Tyana.

[87] Mopsucrene was 12 M. P. short of Tarsus, and was noted for the death of the Emperor Constantius. The name is disfigured in both the Itineraries. For the correction see the authorities quoted in Cellarius, l. 3. c. 7. § 122.; but particularly Ammianus, l. 21. c. 15., compared with Theophanes Chronog. p. 39. The Antonine seems to have confounded Mopsucrene with Mopsuestia; and hence to have omitted the distance between these two places.

[88] Xenoph. Anab. l. 1. c. 2. Arrian, l. 2. c. 4. Q. Curt. l. 3. c. 4. Strabo, p. 539.

[89] According to this authority, the post-station of the Pylæ (mutatio Pylæ) was 24 M. P. from Tarsus.

[90] It should then be read thus,—Tyana ... Aquis Calidis 12 Podando 22 Coriopio 12 in Monte 12 Tarso Ciliciæ. We know from modern travellers, that there are about 12 miles from the foot of the mountain to Tarsus. Coriopium here stands at the same distance from Tarsus as Pylæ in the Jerusalem, and is probably the same place.

[91] I read it thus. Iconium 20 fines Ciliciæ 25 in Monte Tauro 30 Tarso Ciliciæ: thus connecting the extremity, as in the former instance, with the words Tarso Ciliciæ. The number 20 (xx.) ought perhaps to be 120 (cxx).

[92] Tetrapyrgia and Crunæ are named together by the geographer of Ravenna.

[93] The only two that have any appearance of reality are 24 M. P. from Taspa to Isaura, and 33 M. P. from Crunæ to Seleuceia.

[94] Πλησίον δὲ καὶ ὁ Σαγγάριος ποταμὸς ποιεῖται τὴν ῥύσιν· ἐπὶ δὲ τούτῳ τὰ παλαιὰ τῶν Φρυγῶν οἰκητήρια Μίδου καὶ ἔτι πρότερον Γορδίου καὶ ἄλλων τινῶν, οὐδ’ ἴχνη σώζονται πόλεων ἀλλὰ κῶμαι μικρῷ μείζους τῶν ἄλλων· οἷόν ἐστι τὸ Γόρδιον.... Strabo, p. 568.

Τὸ δὲ Γόρδιον ἐστὶ μὲν τῆς Φρυγίας τῆς ἐφ’ Ἑλλησπόντου, κεῖται δὲ ἐπὶ τοῦ Σαγγαρίου ποταμοῦ. Arrian, lib. 1. c. 29.

[95] Strabo, p. 574.

[96] Eckhel. Doct. Num. vet. Bithynia.

[97] Ἔστι δὲ ποταμὸς ἐν Γαλάταις, ὅνπερ καλοῦσιν οἱ ἐπιχώριοι Σίβεριν, τῶν μὲν καλουμένων Συκέων ἄγγιστα, πόλεως δὲ Ἰουλιοπόλεως ἀπὸ σημείων μάλιστα δέκα ἐς τὰ πρὸς ἀνίσχοντα ἥλιον. Procop. de Ædif. l. 5. c. 4.

[98] De cætero intus in Bithynia colonia Apamena, Agrippenses, Juliopolitæ, Bithynion; flumina, Syrius, Lapsias, Pharmicas, Alces, Crynis, Lilæus, Scopius, Hiera, qui Bithyniam et Galatiam disterminat. Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 32.

[99] Civitas Juliopolis 13 M. P. Mutatio Hieron potamon 11 M. P. Agannia (Laganeus) Itin. Hierosol. p. 574. Wessel.

[100] Justinian built a bridge and dyke to preserve the high road from the ravages of the Siberis. Procop. de Ædif. l. 5. c. 4.

[101] Plin. ubi supr. Ptolem. l. 5. c. 1.

[102] Ammian. l. 25. sub fin. Socrat. l. 3. sub fin. Sozomen, l. 6. c. 6. Theodoret, l. 4. c. 5.

[103] Procop. De Ædif. l. 5. c. 4.

[104] Postero die ad Gordium pervenit. Id haud magnum quidem oppidum est, sed plus quam mediterraneum celebre et frequens emporium: tria maria pari ferme distantia intervallo habet, Hellespontum, ad Sinopen, et alterius oræ litora, qua Cilices maritimi colunt: multarum magnarumque præterea gentium fines contingit, quarum commercium in eum maxime locum mutui usus contraxere. Liv. l. 38. c. 18.

Phrygia tunc habebat quondam nobilem Midæ regiam; Gordium nomen est urbi, quam Sangarius amnis interfluit pari intervallo Pontico et Cilicio mari distantem. Q. Curt. l. 3. c. 1.

These observations of Livy and Curtius may be taken as examples of the extreme negligence and inaccuracy often shown by the Latin authors in matters of fact relating to foreign countries. It could hardly have been unknown at Rome in their time, that Gordium was not half so distant from the Propontis or Euxine as from the Ægæan or Cilician sea.

[105]

Iter a Pesinunte Ancyram 99 M. P. Sic Germa 16 Vindia 24 Papira 32 Ancyra 27 Iter a Dorylao Ancyra 141 M. P. Sic Arcelaio 30 Germa 20 Vindia 32 Papira 32 Ancyra 27

The 32 to Vindia is an error for 24, as appears by the numbers in the former list agreeing with the total: 32 seems by a mistake of the copier to have been written twice.

[106] Polyb. l. 22. c. 20. Liv. l. 38. c. 18. Strabo, p. 567. Herodian (in the Life of Commodus) says that Pessinus was on the Gallus: but we know from Strabo that the Gallus was that branch of the Sakaría which waters the valley of Léfke. The mistake of Herodian is easily accounted for:—The Gallus being a very important branch of the Sangarius, the united stream was often known by the former name; as we observe in Ammianus,—who in coupling the Gallus with the lake Sophon, which we know from some passages in the Byzantine history to have been the lake of Sabanja,—evidently means by the Gallus the lower part of the Sangarius. In process of time the name Gallus became applied to the whole course of the Sangarius as far as its sources. The same thing happened to the Scamander at Troy, the name of which between the time of Homer and that of Antiochus the Great had become attached not only to the part below the junction of the two rivers, but to that also above it, as far even as the sources of the Homeric Simoeis.

[107] Dorileo 28 Mideo 28 Tricomia 21 Pessinunte. Tab. Peutinger, seg. 6.

[108] Strabo, p. 567.

[109] Liv. l. 38 c. 18.

[110] Ammian. l. 22. c. 9.

[111] Strabo, p. 567.

[112] Notit. Episc. Græc.

[113] Pococke, however, observes, that the river was “small” where he crossed it, “being near the sources.”

[114] Zonar. Ann. l. 15. c. 29.

[115] Geogr. Nubiens. (Clim. 5. pars 5.)

[116] Τῆς δ’ Ἐπικτήτου Φρυγίας Ἀζανοί τε εἰσι καὶ Νακόλεια καὶ Κοτιάειον, καὶ Μιδάειον καὶ Δορύλαιον πόλεις.... Ὑπὲρ δὲ τῆς Ἐπικτήτου πρὸς νότον ἐστὶν ἡ μεγάλη Φρυγία λείπουσα ἐν ἀριστερᾷ τὴν Πεσσινοῦντα καὶ τὰ περὶ Ὀρκαορυκοὺς καὶ Λυκαονίαν, ἐν δεξιᾷ δὲ Μαίονας καὶ Λύδους καὶ Κᾶρας· ἐν ᾗ ἐστιν ἥτε Παρώρειος λεγομένη Φρυγία καὶ ἡ πρὸς Πισιδίᾳ καὶ τὰ περὶ Ἀμόριον καὶ Εὐμένειαν καὶ Σύνναδα. Strabo, p. 576.

[117] Anna Comn. l. 15. p. 470.

[118] Τεκτόσαγες δὲ τὰ πρὸς τῇ μεγάλῃ Φρυγίᾳ τῇ κατὰ Πεσσινοῦντα καὶ Ὀρκαορυκούς. Strabo, p. 567.

[119] Μετὰ δὲ τὴν Γαλατίαν πρὸς νότον ἥτε λίμνη ἐστὶν ἡ Τάττα, παρακειμένη τῇ μεγάλῃ Καππαδοκίᾳ τῇ κατὰ τοὺς Μοριμηνοὺς, μέρος δ’ οὖσα τῆς μεγάλης Φρυγίας· καὶ ἡ συνεχὴς ταύτῃ μέχρι τοῦ Ταύρου, ἧς τὴν πλείστην Ἀμύντας εἶχεν.... Ἥτε δὴ Τάττα ἐστὶ καὶ τὰ περὶ Ὀρκαορυκοὺς καὶ Πιτνισὸν καὶ τὰ τῶν Λυκαόνων ὀροπέδια ψυχρὰ καὶ ψιλὰ, &c. Strabo, p. 568.

[120] Stephan. in Πίτνισσα.

[121] Ptolem. l. 5. c. 4.

[122] Liv. l. 38. c. 15 et seq.

[123] The _chief_ town of the Tolistobogii, however, in the time of Strabo, was not Tolistochora, but Pessinus. Ancyra, according to the arrangement of Augustus, was the chief town of the Tectosages, who occupied the central part of Galatia, and Tavium was that of Trocmi, who possessed the eastern part of the province. Strabo, p. 567.

[124] A bishop of Perta sat in the Second Nicene Council, A.D. 787.

[125] By the description of Mr. Kinneir it appears that Argæus is not less than 8 or 9000 feet above the sea; for it was covered with snow to a great distance below the summit in October: Strabo’s expression, therefore, of ὅρος πάντων ὑψηλότατος may, perhaps, apply to it with truth, if we confine his observation to the countries between the Caucasus and the Alps.

[126] Karasi, Sarukhan, Aidin, Kermian. See Niceph. Greg. l. 7. c. 1. Chalcocond. l. 1. p. 7.

[127] Act. Apost. c. 14.

[128] Cicero speaks of him with more respect: “Cum Antipatro Derbete mihi non solum hospitium, verum etiam summa familiaritas intercedit.”—Ep. ad Div. l. 13. ep. 73.

[129] Strabo, p. 534, 567.

[130] Τῆς δὲ Ἰσαυρικῆς ἐστιν ἐν πλευραῖς, ἡ Δέρβη, μάλιστα ἐν Καππαδοκίᾳ ἐπιπεφυκὸς, τὸ τοῦ Ἀντιπάτρου τυραννεῖον τοῦ Δερβήτου· τούτου δ’ ἦν καὶ τὰ Λάρανδα. Strabo, p. 569.

[131] Ptolem. l. 5. c. 6.

[132] Stephan. in Δέρβη.

[133] There is a similar keep at Launceston in Cornwall.

[134] Apollodorus, l. 3. c. 4.

[135] Pomp. Mela, l. 1. c. 13.

[136] Strabo, p. 668.

[137] Basil of Seleucia, in the Life of Thecla.

[138] Ptolem. l. 5. c. 8.

[139] Claudiopolis, quam dedux coloniam Claudius Cæsar. Ammian. l. 15. c. 25.

[140] Ptolem. l. 5. c. 6.

[141] It was founded by Hugh Lusignan the Third: for a description of it see the work of Mariti, who visited Cyprus in 1762.

[142] See Mariti, Drummond, and Pococke.

[143] This is the Mount Andriclus which Strabo places above Charadrus.

[144] In some parts of the modern wall are remains of Hellenic masonry, of the kind often called Cyclopian.

[145] Josaphat Barbaro, who was sent by the Venetian government into Persia, and who published a description of his journey, assisted at the capture of Corycus and Seleuceia by a squadron under Pietro Mocenigo. The work of Barbaro was printed at the Aldine press in 1543.

[146] The following words are distinguished upon one of the architraves.... ΙΕΡΕΥΣ ΤΟΥ ΔΙΟΣ ... ΚΑΙΣΑΡΙ ΣΕΒΑΣΤΩΙ. On another architrave is recorded the name of a person who had bequeathed land for restoring the city, and from the profits of which the temple had been rebuilt. Ἐκ τῆς προσόδου τῶν ἀγρῶν, ὧν ἀπέλιπεν εἰς ἐπισκευὴν τῆς πόλεως Κλεόστρατος υἱὸς πόλεως, φύσει δὲ Τελλικόντος, ἐπεσκευάσθη.

[147] Mount Solyma, then distant about sixty miles.

[148] In passing by sea from Aláya to Castel Rosso, I was obliged to follow the coast of the gulf of Adália, the sailors being afraid, in this season, of crossing directly to Cape Khelidóni. This practice has been common among the Greek seamen of every age, and was anciently expressed by the word κατακολπίζω. After having been detained three days in the mouth of a river, to the westward of Menavgát, I passed within sight of the mouth of the river Dudén, not far to the eastward of Adália, and I observed that it discharged itself into the sea by a perpendicular fall over a high cliff. This singularity accounts for the name Catarrhactes, anciently given to it.

[149] This is evident upon comparing it with the fragments of the 22d book of Polybius, as well as from the confession of Livy himself in several places.

[150] Τῆς δ’ Ἐπικτήτου Φρυγίας Ἀζανοί τε εἰσι καὶ Νακόλεια καί Κοτιάειον καὶ Μιδάειον καὶ Δορύλαιον πόλεις καὶ Κάδοι· τοὺς δὲ Κάδους ἔνιοι τῆς Μυσίας φασίν. Strabo, p. 576.

[151] Arrian, l. 1. c. 29.

[152] Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 31. c. 10.

[153] Arrian ubi supra.

Μιλύας δ’ ἐστὶν ἡ ἀπὸ τῶν κατὰ Τερμησσὸν στενῶν καὶ τῆς εἰς τὸ ἐντὸς τοῦ Ταύρου ὑπερθέσεως δι’ αὐτῶν ἐπὶ Σίνδα, παρατείνουσα ὀρεινὴ μέχρι Σαγαλασσοῦ καὶ τῆς Ἀπαμέων χώρας. Strabo, p. 631.

Ὑπέρκειται δ’ αὐτῆς (scil. Phaselidis) τὰ Σόλυμα ὄρος καὶ Τερμησσὸς, Πισιδικὴ πόλις, ἐπικειμένη τοῖς στενοῖς, δι’ ὧν ὑπέρβασίς ἐστιν εἰς τὴν Μιλυάδα. Strabo, p. 666.

In Arrian the names are Salagassus and Telmissus, but improperly, as the coins of the two cities show. Stephanus says there was a greater and lesser Termissus in Pisidia, which is confirmed by the coins with the legend, Τερμησσέων τῶν μειζόνων. (Eckhel and Mionnet in Pisidia.)

[154] Strabo, p. 573, 630.

[155] ... τὰ μέχρι Καρούρων εἴρηται. Τὰ δ’ ἐξῆς ἐστὶ τὰ μὲν πρὸς δύσιν, ἡ τῶν Ἀντιοχέων πόλις τῶν ἐπὶ Μαιάνδρῳ, τῆς Καρίας ἤδη· τὰ δὲ πρὸς νότον ἡ Κίβυρά ἐστιν ἡ μεγάλη, καὶ ἡ Σίνδα καὶ ἡ Καβαλὶς, μεχρὶ τοῦ Ταύρου καὶ τῆς Λυκίας. Strabo, p. 630.

... τῆς Νυσαΐδος, ἥ ἐστι χώρα κατὰ τὰ τοῦ Μαιάνδρου πέραν μέχρι τῆς Κιβυράτιδος καὶ τῆς Καβαλίδος. Strabo, p. 629.

[156] Strabo, p. 631. Liv. l. 38. c. 14.

[157] Compare the preceding passages of Strabo, pp. 629, 630, with those of pp. 651, 665, where he says that a branch of Taurus occupied all Lycia, from the Cibyratis to Peræa of the Rhodii, and that Tlos a Lycian city stood near the pass leading to Cibyra.

[158] Strabo, p. 631.

[159] Hierocl. Synecd.

[160] Polyb. l. 5. c. 72.

[161] In the year before Christ 219.

[162] Strabo, p. 667.

[163] ... οἱ Σελγεῖς οἵπερ εἰσὶν ἀξιολογώτατοι τῶν Πισιδῶν. Τὸ μὲν οὖν πλέον αὐτῶν μέρος τὰς ἀκρωρείας τοῦ Ταύρου κατέχει· τινὲς δὲ καὶ ὑπὲρ Σίδης καὶ Ἀσπένδου, Παμφυλικῶν πόλεων, κατέχουσι γεώλοφα χωρία, ἐλαιόφυτα πάντα· τὰ δ’ ὑπὲρ τούτων ὀρεινὰ ἤδη, Κατεννεῖς, ὅμοροι Σελγεῦσι καὶ Ὁμοναδεῦσι· Σαγαλασσεῖς δ’ ἐπὶ τὰ ἐντὸς τὰ πρὸς τῇ Μιλυάδι. Strabo, p. 569.

[164] Notit. Episc. Græc.

[165]

Τοῖς δ’ ἔπι Πισιδέων λιπαρὸν πέδον, ἧχι πόληες Τερμισσὸς Λύρβη τε καὶ ἣ ἐπολίσσατο λαὸς Πρίν ποτ’ Ἀμυκλαίων, μεγαλώνυμος ἐν χθονὶ Σέλγη.

Dionys. Perieg. v. 858.

[166] Strabo, p. 569.

[167] Artemidorus ap. Strabon. p. 570. Liv. l. 38. c. 15. Arrian, l. 1. c. 28.

[168] Arrian, l. 1. c. 29.

[169] See Note [163], p. 149.

[170] See Note [153], p. 146.

[171] Ἀμύντας ... πολλὰ χωρία ἐξεῖλεν ἀπόρθητα πρότερον ὄντα, ὧν καὶ Κρήμνα. τὸ δὲ Σανδάλιον οὐδ’ ἐνεχείρησε βίᾳ προσάγεσθαι, μεταξὺ κείμενον τῆς τε Κρήμνης καὶ Σαγαλασσοῦ. Τὴν μὲν οὖν Κρήμναν ἄποικοι Ῥωμαίων ἔχουσι. Σαγαλασσὸς δ’ ἐστὶν ὑπὸ τῷ αὐτῷ ἡγεμόνι τῶν Ῥωμαίων, ὑφ’ ᾧ καὶ ἡ Ἀμύντου βασιλεία πᾶσα· διέχει δ’ Ἀπαμείας ἡμέρας ὁδὸν, κατάβασιν ἔχουσα σχεδόν τι καὶ τριάκοντα σταδίων ἀπὸ τοῦ ἐρύματος· καλοῦσι δ’ αὐτὴν καὶ Σέλγησσον. Strabo, p. 569.

[172] Κρήμναν ... ἐν ἀποκρήμνῳ τε κειμένην καὶ κατὰ μέρος χαράδραις βαθυτάταις ὀχυρωμένην. Zosim. l. 1. c. 69.

[173] “A Cibyra per agros Sindensium exercitus ductus, transgressusque Caularem amnem, posuit castra. Postero die est præter Caralitin paludem agmen ductum; ad Mandropolim manserunt; inde progredientibus ad Lagon, proximam urbem metu incolæ fugerunt; inde ab Lysis fluminis fonte, postero die ad Cobulatum (ap. Polyb. Κολοβάτον) amnem progressi. Termessenses eo tempore Isiondensium arcem, urbe capta, oppugnabant.... Volenti consuli causa in Pamphyliam divertendi oblata est; adveniens obsidione Isiondenses exemit. Termesso pacem dedit, 50 talentis argenti acceptis: item Aspendiis cæterisque Pamphyliæ populis. Ex Pamphylia rediens ad fluvium Taurum primo die, postero ad Xylinen comen posuit castra. Profectus inde continentibus itineribus ad Cormasa (ap. Polyb. Κύρμασα) urbem pervenit. Darsa proxima urbs erat; eam ... desertam ... invenit. Progredienti præter paludes (ap. Polyb. τὴν λίμνην) legati ab Lysinoe dedentes urbem venerunt. Deinde in agrum Sagalassenum, uberem fertilemque omni genere frugum, ventum est. Colunt Pisidæ, longe optimi bello regionis hujus: quum ea res animos facit, tum agri fœcunditas, et multitudo hominum, et situs inter paucas munitæ urbis.... Progressus inde ad Obrimæ fontes, ad vicum, quem Aporidos comen vocant, posuit castra. Eo Seleucus ab Apamea postero die venit. Ægros inde et inutilia impedimenta quum Apameam dimisisset, ducibus itinerum ab Seleuco acceptis, profectus eo die in Metropolitanum campum, postero die Dinias Phrygiæ processit. Inde Synnada,” &c. Liv. l. 38. c. 15.

[174] Compare the preceding Note with those in pp. 146, 147, 158. Artemidorus (ap. Strabon. p. 570) includes Sinda among the cities of Pisidia. Stephanus calls it a city of Lycia.

[175] Strabo, p. 570.

[176] Strabo, p. 576.

[177] Strabo, p. 627.

[178] “Inde (ab Antiochia ad Mæandrum) ad Gordiutichos, quod vocant, processum est; ex eo loco ad Tabas tertiis castris perventum: in finibus Pisidarum posita est urbs, in ea parte, quæ vergit ad Pamphylium mare.” Liv. l. 38. c. 13.

[179] See the Note page 152.

[180] Strabo, p. 576. See Note [187], p. 158.—Ptolemy places it in the same part of the country with Cibyra, Hierapolis and Apameia. By Hierocles it is named among the towns of Phrygia Pacatiana, together with Laodiceia, Colossæ and Hierapolis.

[181] See Note, p. 152.

[182] Strabo, p. 577.

[183] Pococke’s Travels, vol. 2. part 2. c. 14.

[184] I have somewhat enlarged Pococke’s computation of miles, as I find, in the sequel of his route to A ́ngura, that (contrary to the common error of travellers) it is generally below the truth. He computes about 100 English miles from Karahissár to A ́ngura; whereas the distance is little less than 120 G. M. in direct distance.

[185] The beginning of this inscription is imperfect: it ends in a form common upon sepulchral monuments, by subjecting the violator of the tomb to a fine, payable to the treasury of the city, and another sum to the Council.

...................... ...................... ΦΙΣΚΟΝ ΔΗΝΑΡΙΑ ΔΙΣΧΕΙΛΙΑ ΚΑΙ ΤΗ ΕΥΜΕΝΕΩΝ ΒΟΥΛΗ ΔΗΝΑΡΙΑ Β. Φ

Pococke copied the third letter of the lower line Σ instead of Ε, which was probably the cause of his failing to discover the ancient name of Ishekle. Εὐμενεύς is the ethnic adjective of Eumeneia in Stephanus, and ΕΥΜΕΝΕΩΝ is the legend on the coins of that city. Another inscription at Ishekle supported a statue of Marcus Aurelius, τὸν ἴδιον θεὸν εὐεργέτην. And a third attests the worship at that place, among other deities, of the _dæmon Angdistis_, ΑΝΓΔΙΣΤΕΩΣ ΔΑΙΜΟΝΟΣ, under which name the _mother_ of the gods was adored at Pessinus. Her worship in the country adjacent to the Mæander may be inferred from Pliny, who alludes to her epithet of Berecynthia in the passage in which he speaks of Eumenia: “Est Eumenia Cludro flumini apposita, Glaucus amnis. Lysias oppidum et Orthosia, Berecynthius tractus, Nysa, Tralles,” &c. l. 5. c. 29.

[186] Eckhel Doct. Num. Vet. Phrygia.

[187] P. 576. “To the south of Phrygia Epictetus,” he says, “is Great Phrygia, which has Pessinus and Lycaonia on the right, the Mæones, Lydians and Carians on the left: it contains Phrygia Paroreius and the part towards Pisidia, and the country about Amorium, and Synnada and Eumeneia, Apameia surnamed Cibotus, and Laodiceia, which are the two greatest of the Phrygian cities, and around which are other smaller towns, Aphrodisias, Colossæ, Themisonium, Sanaus, Metropolis, Apollonias; and still further off Peltæ, Tabæ, Eucarpia, Lysias:” the “still further off” (ἔτι δὲ ἀπωτέρω τούτων) is however not geographically accurate in regard to all the places mentioned.

[188] Κελαινὰς.... Ἐνταῦθα Κύρῳ βασίλεια ἦν καὶ παράδεισος μέγας.... Διὰ μέσου δὲ τοῦ παραδείσου ῥεῖ ὁ Μαίανδρος ποταμός· αἱ δὲ πηγαὶ αὐτοῦ εἰσιν ἐκ τῶν βασιλείων· ῥεῖ δὲ καὶ διὰ τῆς Κελαινῶν πόλεως. Ἔστι δὲ καὶ μεγάλου βασιλέως βασίλεια ἐν Κελαιναῖς ἐρυμνὰ, ἐπὶ ταῖς πηγαῖς τοῦ Μαρσύου ποταμοῦ ὑπὸ τῇ ἀκροπόλει· ῥεῖ δὲ καὶ οὗτος διὰ τῆς πόλεως καὶ ἐμβάλλει εἰς τὸν Μαίανδρον. Xenoph. Cyri Exp. l. 1. c. 2.

Xenophon adds that Celænæ was a large and flourishing city; that the palace and acropolis were built by Xerxes on his return from Greece; that the park was full of wild beasts which Cyrus hunted for the exercise of himself and his horses; that the Marsyas rose in a cavern, where Apollo hung up the skin of Marsyas; and that the breadth of the Marsyas was 25 feet.

[189] Ἀλέξανδρος ... ἀφικνεῖται ἐς Κελαινὰς πεμπταῖος. Ἐν δὲ ταῖς Κελαιναῖς ἄκρα ἦν πάντη ἀπότομος. Alexander gladly came to terms with the people on account of the strength of the citadel. (ἄπορον πάντη προσφέρεσθαι τὴν ἄκραν.) Arrian, l. 1. c. 29.

Alexander ... ad urbem Celænas exercitum admovit. Mediam illa tempestate interfluebat Marsyas amnis.... Fons ejus ex summo montis cacumine excurrens in subjectam petram magno strepitu aquarum cadit.... Alexander ... arcem oppugnare adortus caduceatorem præmisit ... illi caduceatorem in turrim et situ et opere multum editam perductum, quanta esset altitudo intueri jubent, &c. Q. Curt. l. 3. c. 1.

[190] ... ἐς Κελαινάς· ἵνα πηγαὶ ἀναδιδοῦσι Μαιάνδρου ποταμοῦ, καὶ ἑτέρου οὐκ ἐλάσσονος ἢ Μαιάνδρου, τῷ οὔνομα τυγχάνει ἐὸν Καταῤῥήκτης, ὃς ἐξ αὐτῆς τῆς ἀγορῆς τῆς Κελαινέων ἀνατέλλων, ἐς τὸν Μαίανδρον ἐκδιδοῖ. Herod. l. 7. c. 26.

[191] Ἵδρυται δὲ ἡ Ἀπάμεια ἐπὶ ταῖς ἐκβολαῖς τοῦ Μαρσύου ποταμοῦ· καὶ ῥεῖ διὰ μέσης τῆς πόλεως ὁ ποταμὸς, τὰς ἄρχας ἀπὸ τῆς (παλαιᾶς) πόλεως ἔχων· κατενεχθεὶς δ’ ἐπὶ τὸ προάστειον σφοδρῷ καὶ κατωφερεῖ τῷ ῥεύματι, συμβάλλει πρὸς τὸν Μαίανδρον, προσειληφότα καὶ ἄλλον ποταμὸν Ὀργᾶν, δι’ ὁμαλοῦ φερόμενον πρᾷον καὶ μαλακόν·.... Ἄρχεται δὲ (ὁ Μαίανδρος) ἀπὸ Κελαινῶν, λόφου τινὸς ἐν ᾧ πόλις ἦν ὁμώνυμος τῷ λόφῳ. Ἐντεῦθεν δὲ ἀναστήσας τοὺς ἀνθρώπους ὁ Σωτὴρ Ἀντίοχος εἰς τὴν νῦν Ἀπάμειαν, &c.——Ὑπέρκειται δὲ καὶ λίμνη φύουσα κάλαμον, τὸν εἰς τὰς γλώττας τῶν αὐλῶν ἐπιτήδειον, ἐξ ἧς ἀπολείβεσθαί φασι τὰς πηγὰς ἀμφοτέρας, τήν τε τοῦ Μαρσύου καὶ τὴν τοῦ Μαιάνδρου. Strabo, p. 578.

[192] Consul (Cn. Manlius) ... ad Antiochiam super Mæandrum amnem posuit castra. Hujus amnis fontes Celænis oriuntur. Celænæ urbs caput quondam Phrygiæ fuit: migratum inde haud procul veteribus Celænis, novæque urbi Apameæ nomen inditum.... Et Marsyas amnis, haud procul a Mæandri fontibus oriens, in Mæandrum cadit. Famaque ita tenet Celænis Marsyam cum Apolline tibiarum cantu certasse. Mæander, ex arce summa Celænarum ortus, media urbe decurrens, per Caras primum, deinde Ionas, in sinum maris editur, qui inter Prienen et Miletum est. Liv. l. 38. c 38.

[193] Tertius (Asiæ Conventus) Apamiam vadit, ante appellatam Celænas, dein Ciboton. Sita est in radice Montis Signiæ, circumfusis Marsya, Obrima, Orga fluminibus in Mæandrum cadentibus. Marsyas ibi redditur ortus ac paullo mox conditus; ubi certavit tibiarum cantu cum Apolline, Aulocrenis ita vocatur, convallis decem millia passuum ab Apamia Phrygiam petentibus.... Amnis Mæander ortus e lacu in monte Aulocrene.... Apamenam primum pervagatur regionem mox Eumeniticam, &c. Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 29.

[194] Φρύγες οἱ περί Κελαινάς νεμόμενοι τιμῶσι ποταμοὺς δύο, Μαρσύαν καὶ Μαίανδρον. εἶδον τοὺς ποταμούς. ἀφίησιν αὐτοὺς πηγὴ μία, ἣ προελθοῦσα ἐπὶ τὸ ὄρος ἀφανίζεται κατὰ νώτου τῆς πόλεως κᾳὖθις ἐκδιδοῖ ἐκ τοῦ ἄστεος, διελοῦσα τοῖς ποταμοῖς καὶ τὸ ὕδωρ καὶ τὰ ὀνόματα. ὁ μὲν ἐπὶ Λυδίας ῥεῖ ὁ Μαίανδρος, ὁ δὲ αὐτοῦ περὶ τὰ πεδία ἀναλίσκεται. Max. Tyr. Dissert. 8. c. 8.

He then proceeds to relate a tale resembling that which Strabo has told us of the Alpheius and Eurotas, and which shews that the sources of the Mæander and Marsyas were exactly circumstanced as those of the two Peloponnesian rivers, described by Pausanias (Arcad. c. 43.) and Strabo (p. 343), and the accuracy of whose description I have myself ascertained. Those celebrated streams issue from separate sources at the foot of a mountain, behind which, in the elevated plain of Asea, is a rivulet, which, after crossing that plain, runs through a small lake into the mountain. This rivulet was anciently reputed to be the common origin of the two rivers; and it was believed (but apparently not by Strabo himself), that if offerings to the two river-gods were thrown into this stream, each offering would re-appear at the source of the river for the god of which it was destined by the sacrificer. Maximus Tyrius improves upon the similar story relating to the Mæander, by adding, that if a joint offering was thrown in for both the gods, it was divided in its passage through the mountain, and a portion appeared at each of the lower sources.

[195] See Eckhel and Mionnet in Phrygia.

[196] Strabo, p. 579.

[197] M. Barbié du Bocage, in his notes to the French translation of Chandler, thinks that the words of Pliny cited above, warrant the supposition that Apameia was ten miles distant from the site of Celænæ. I cannot perceive any such meaning in them: on the contrary, I think it clearly appears from Strabo, that both the rivers ran through Celænæ, and that they united in the suburb, which afterwards became the new city Apameia. The removal of Grecian cities, from the strong positions of the ancient independent republics, to neighbouring situations more commodious but less defensible, was a common occurrence on the decline of the republican system in Greece, and on the prevalence of monarchy; and it was a natural consequence of that change of system. The removal was generally attended with a change of name, which flattered the Macedonian or Roman prince under whom the removal took place. It often occurred, also, that a new name was given upon the mere occasion of a repair, when there was no change of situation.

[198] See Rennell’s Illustrations of the Expedition of Cyrus.

[199] Stephan. in Ἀπολλωνία.

[200] Τὴν γὰρ Ἀντιόχειαν ἔχων τὴν πρὸς τῇ Πισιδίᾳ μέχρι Ἀπολλωνιάδος, τῆς πρὸς Ἀπαμείᾳ τῇ Κιβωτῷ &c. Strabo, p. 569.

[201] Strabo, ibid.—Tacit. Ann. l. 3. c. 48.

[202] Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 29. Similar assemblies were held at Cibyra, Synnada, Laodiceia ad Lycum, Alabanda, Ephesus, Smyrna, Sardes, Adramyttium, and Pergamum.

[203] Between Eumenia and the number which marks the miles from thence to _ad vicum_, which seems to have been a small place between Eumenia and Apameia,—occurs the word Pella. I am quite unable to explain what this means. I thought at first it was a mistake for Peltæ, an important town situated in this part of Phrygia; but it is impossible to find room for Peltæ and the great Peltene plain between Ishékle and Dinglar.

[204] Ptolemy, l. 5. c. 2.

[205] Notit. Episc. Græc.

[206] Stephan. de Urb. in Εὐκαρπία.

[207] Cicero pro Flacco, c. 15.

[208] It was also called Hellespontine Phrygia, although totally divided from the Hellespont by Mysia. Hence it would seem that the part of Mysia lying between mount Olympus and the Caicus was included at one time in the district of Hellespontus; which at that time extended from the Hellespont to the Thymbres.

[209] Strabo, p. 576.

[210] Strabo ibid. See Note, p. 145.—Ptolemy ascribes Cadi and two other towns to the Erizeli, a people of Mæonia, on the borders of Mysia, Lydia and Phrygia.

[211] Strabo, p. 629.

[212] The survey having been reduced to a tenth of Captain Beaufort’s scale in the map which accompanies the present volume, the latter may in some instances, perhaps, be found inadequate to illustrate the geographical remarks in the following chapter; which were constantly made with a reference to the survey itself. In all such difficulties, which it is hoped will not be found numerous, the reader is necessarily referred to the original authority.

[213] Strabo, p. 664.

[214] Strabo here means to allude to the mention of these two places by Homer.

[215] See Strabo, p. 533 et seq. and page 64 of this volume.

[216] ... Τλῶν, κατὰ τὴν ὑπέρθεσιν τὴν εἰς Κίβυραν κειμένην. Artemid. ap. Strab. p. 665.

[217] Liv. l. 37. c. 17.

[218] Arrian. de Exp. Alex. l. 1. c. 24.

[219] Appian. Bel. Civ. l. 4. c. 82.

[220] Panegyr. §. 41.

[221] Ptol. l. 5. c. 3.

[222] Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 31.

[223] Stephan. in Δολιχίστη et Μεγίστη.

[224] With a little correction it was as follows; but the beginning of the third line still wants explanation:

ΣΩΣΙΚΛΗΣ ΝΙΚΑΡΟΤΑ ΣΑΜΙΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΤΑΤΗΣΑΣ ΕΝΤΕΚΑΣΤΑΒΙ ΚΑΙ ΕΠΙ ΤΟΥ ΠΥΡΓΟΥ ΤΟΥ ΕΝ ΜΕ- -ΓΙΣΤΑΙ ΕΡΜΑΙ ΠΡΟΠΥ- -ΛΑΙΩΙ ΧΑΡΙΣΤΗΡΙΟΝ

The Doric dialect may be accounted for by Megiste being in possession, and probably a colony, of the Rhodii. I found the ruins of a Hellenic tower here, at the end of a small plain: perhaps the tower mentioned in the inscription.

[225] Liv. l. 37. c. 22, 24, 25.

[226] Liv. l. 37. c. 16.

[227] Stephan. Byzant. with the Notes of Holstein.

[228] Oppidum Olympus ubi fuit, nunc sunt montana: Gage, Corydalla, Rhodiopolis. Juxta mare Limyra cum amne, in quem Arycandus influit, et Mons Massycites, Andriaca, civitas Myra. Oppida Apyre, Antiphellus, quæ quondam Habessus (_al._ Edebessus) atque in recessu Phellus. Deinde Pyrrha itemque Xanthus a main xv. M. P. flumenque eodem nomine. Deinde Patara, &c. Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 27.

[229] The following fragment in honour of a person who had received the rites of citizenship in Rhodiopolis, Myra, and Phaselis, was found by Mr. Cockerell in the ruins of Olympus at Deliktash.

ΟΠΡΑΜΟΑΝ ΑΠΟΛΛΩΝΙΟΥ ΔΙΣ ΤΟΥ ΚΑΛΛΙΑΔΟΥ ΡΟΔΙΟ ΠΟΛΕΙΤΗΝ ΚΑΙ ΜΥΡΕΑ (καὶ) ΦΑΣΗΛΕΙΤΗΝ ... ....

[230] The following are the names in their order:—Corydalla, Sagalassus, Rhodia, Trebenda (_al._ Arendæ), Phellus, Myra.

[231] Limyra cum amne, in quem Arycandus influit. Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 29.

[232] ... ἐν Λυκίᾳ δέ ἐστιν πόλις Ἀρύκανδα καλουμένη, ἧς πλησίον ἱερόν τι χωρίον, ὃ πρότερον μὲν Ἔμβολος ἐκαλεῖτο διὰ τὴν θέσιν τοῦ χωρίου. Schol. in Pindar. Olymp. Od. 7.

[233]

Μ’ ΑΥΡ’ ΤΟΑΛΙΣ ΔΙΣ ΟΛΥΜ ΠΗΝΟΣ ΚΑΙ ΑΡΥΚΑΝΔΕΥΣ

[234] Stephanus of Byzantium describes Σιδαροῦς as a city and harbour, but he omits to add in what country it was situated.

[235] The order of names in Ptolemy on this coast is, Phaselis, Olbia, Attalia, the mouth of the Catarrhactes, Magydis, the mouth of the Cestrus, the mouth of the Eurymedon, Side. Ptol. l. 5. c. 5.

[236] Voyage au Levant, par C. Lebruyn, c. 74. Voyage en Grèce, &c. par Paul Lucas, tom. 1. c. 33. Beaufort’s Karamania, c. 6. Itinéraire de l’Asie Mineure, par Corancez, l. 4. c. 2.

[237] Hierocl. Synecd.—Notit. Episc. Græc.

[238] lib. 5. c. 16.

[239] lib. 1. c. 14.

[240] Pomp. Mel. l. 1. c. 14. Arrian. Exp. Alex. l. 1. c. 27.

[241] Strabo, p. 570. Polyb. l. 5. c. 72. Dionys. Perieg. v. 858. Arrian. lib. 1. c. 28. Zosim. l. 5. c. 15.

[242] Scylax Perip. Pamphylia. Arrian, l. 1. c. 26.

[243] Hierocl. Synecd.—Constantin. Porph. de Them.—Notit. Episcop.

[244] τοῦ Μέλανος καὶ τοῦ Εὐρυμέδοντος ὧν ὁ μὲν ἐπέκεινα διαβαίνει τῆς Σίδης· ὁ δὲ διαῤῥεῖ τῇ Ἀσπένδῳ. Zosim. l. 5. c. 16.—Pomp. Mel. l. 1. c. 14.

[245] Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 27.

[246] Geograph. lib. 5. c. 5.

[247] Liv. l. 33. c. 20.

[248] Pharsal. lib. 8. v. 259.

[249] Eckhel, Doct. Num. Vet. Cilicia.

[250] Livy (l. 33. c. 20.) says: “Nephelida promontorium Ciliciæ, inclitum fœdere antiquo Atheniensium.” What treaty this was it is difficult to discover—not the treaty of Cimon with the Persians; for according to that, the Chelidonian promontory was the point beyond which the Persians were forbidden to sail.

[251] Pompon. Mel. lib. 1. c. 13.

[252] See Eckhel, Hunter, &c.

[253] Plin. Hist. Nat. lib. 5. cap. 27.

[254] Athen. l. 3. c. 5.

[255] In the copy of the treaty in Polybius (l. 22. c. 26.) Cape Calycadnus is mentioned as the point. Μηδὲ πλείτωσαν ἐπὶ τάδε τοῦ Καλυκάδνου ἀκρωτηρίου, εἰ μὴ φόρους ἢ πρέσβεις ἢ ὁμήρους ἄγοιεν. In the Latin copy of the treaty in Livy (l. 38. c. 38.) both capes are mentioned. “Neve navigatio citra Calycadnum neve Sarpedonem promontoria” &c. Appian, who has given the substance only of the treaty, names also both the capes: Ὅρον μὲν Ἀντιόχῳ τῆς ἀρχῆς εἶναι δύο ἄκρας Καλύκαδνόν τε καὶ Σαρπηδόνιον. Appian Syr. c. 39.

[256] Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 27.

[257] Diodor. Sic. l. 19. c. 61.

[258] Liv. Hist. Nat. l. 33. c. 20.

[259] Among other places on this coast taken possession of by the Knights of St. John were three fortresses, consigned to their care about the year 1200 by Pope Innocent III., who had received them from Leo king of Armenia, on the occasion of his coronation and acknowledgment of the Latin church. The ancient Armenian inscriptions still existing at Korgos and Selefke, render it probable that these were two of the fortresses. See Beaufort’s Karamania, pp. 220, 245.

[260] Stephanus (in Σελεύκεια) says that this Seleuceia was formerly called Olbia: which appears to be a mistake, arising from the similarity of the names Olbia; and Holmi. Strabo is confirmed by Pliny (l. 5. c. 27.), who says, “Seleucia supra amnem Calycadnum, Trachiotis cognomine, a mare relata, ubi vocabatur Hormia” (Holmia).

[261] Ptolemy calls the southern cape at the entrance of the Issic gulf (now Cape Hanzir) by this name, Ῥωσσικὸς σκόπελος.

[262] Stephanus (in Ὑρία) says, the Calycadnus was sometimes called Calydnus.

[263] Τῆς ἴδιως Κιλικίας μεσόγειοι ... Μοψυεστία, Καστάβαλα, Νικόπολις, Ἐπιφάνεια, καὶ αἱ Ἀμανικαὶ πύλαι. Ptolem. l. 5. c. 8.

Ἡ Συρία περιορίζεται ἀπὸ μὲν ἄρκτων τῇ τὲ Κιλικίᾳ, &c. ... Μετὰ τὸν Ἰσσὸν καὶ τὰς Κιλικίας πύλας Ἀλεξάνδρεια ἡ κατὰ Ἰσσὸν, Μυρίανδρος, &c.... Πιερίας δὲ πόλεις αἵδε. Πίναρα, Πάγραι καὶ αἱ Συρίαι πύλαι. Ptolem. l. 5. c. 15.

[264] Pococke’s Travels, vol. 2. part 1. c. 20. M. Kinneir’s Journey in Asia Minor, p. 135. Niebuhr’s Map in the Voyage en Arabie, tom. 2. pl. 52. Drummond’s Travels, letter 5.

[265] I saw the foundation of the wall which once fortified this pass. Perhaps Beilan is only a corruption of Πύλην, or Pyla in the accusative.

[266] Strabo, p. 676. See the translation in p. 180 of this volume.

[267] Cicero ad Div. l. 15. ep. 4. ad Attic. l. 5. ep. 20. Cicero, in clearing Mount Amanus of the Parthians, took Erana, the chief town, and several smaller places.

[268] We find in Hierocles that Seleuceia was the metropolis of Isauria at the time when Cilicia, divided into two ἐπαρχίαι, extended no further westward than Corycus inclusive. The chief magistrate, however, is stated by Hierocles to have been intitled ἡγεμών, not ἄρχων: but Hierocles probably wrote long after the date of this inscription, and in the interval some change may have taken place in the mode of government.

[269] Travels of Bertrandon de la Brocquière in the years 1432, 1433, translated by Johnes, pp. 174, 190.

[270] Josaphat Barbaro—Viaggio in Persia.

[271] Liv. l. 33. c. 20. Plin. l. 5. c. 27. Pomp. Mela, l. 1. c. 13. Stephan. in Κώρυκος.

[272] In Ἐλαιοῦσσα.

[273] In Σεβάστη.

[274] Joseph. Antiq. Jud. l. 16. c. 4. Strabo, p. 671.

[275] Xenoph. Exp. Cyr. l. 1. c. 4. Arrian, l. 2. c. 5. Q. Curt. l. 3. c. 7. Dio. Cass. l. 36. c. 20. Liv. l. 33. c. 20.—l. 37. c. 56. Pompon. Mel. l. 1. c. 13. Ptol. l. 5. c. 8.

[276] Stephan. in Ἀγχιάλη. Eustath. in Dionys. Perieg.

[277] Arrian, l. 2. c. 5.

[278] Arrian, l. 2. c. 4. Q. Curt. l. 3. c. 5. Dionys. Perieg. v. 868.

[279] Dio. Cass. l. 47. c. 31. Procop. de Ædif. l. 5. c. 5. Stephan. in Ἄδανα.

[280] Διὰ μὲν οὖν τῆς πόλεως ταύτης (scil. Comana) ὁ Σάρος ῥεῖ ποταμὸς καὶ διὰ τῶν συναγκειῶν τοῦ Ταύρου διεκπεραιοῦται πρὸς τὰ τῶν Κιλίκων πεδία καὶ τὸ ὑποκείμενον πέλαγος. p. 536. Comana is the modern Bostán.

[281] Strabo, ibid.

[282] Xenoph. de Exp. Cyr. l. 1. c. 4. Ptolem. l. 5. c. 8. Procop. de Ædif. l. 5. c. 5.

[283] Stephan. in Μάγαρσος.

... Πυράμου πρὸς ἐκβολαῖς ... Αἰπὺς δ’ ἀλιβρὸς ὄχμος ἐν μεταιχμίῳ Μέγαρσος.

Lycophr. v. 439.

ἡ δὲ Μέγαρσος πόλις κεῖται πρὸς ταῖς ἐκχύσεσι τοῦ Πυράμου ποταμοῦ. Tzetzes in Schol. ibid.

περὶ Μάγαρσα τοῦ Πυράμου πλησίον. Strabo, p. 676. See the translated extract.

[284] Ap. Tzetz. in Lycoph. ubi sup.

[285] ποταμὸς Πύραμος καὶ πόλις Μαλλὸς, εἰς ἣν ἀνάπλους κατὰ τὸν ποταμόν. Scylax in Cilicia.

[286] Steph. in Μάλλος.

[287] Pomp. Mel. l. 1. c. 13.

[288] Arrian, l. 2. c. 5.—... castris motis, et Pyramo amne ponte juncto, Mallon pervenit. Q. Curt. l. 3. c. 7.

[289] Ap. Strabon. p. 675. See the translated extract.

[290] Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 27. Stephan. in Μόψου ἑστία. Procop. de Ædif. l. 5. c. 5.

[291] Cod. Theodos.

ἡ Μάμιστα ἡ καὶ Μόψου ἑστία λεγομένη. M. Glycæ Annal. p. 306. Paris.

Civitas Adana, 18 M. P. Civitas Mansista 48 M. P. Mansio Baiæ.—Itin. Hierosol.

[292] Hierocl. Synecd.

[293] Appian Mithridat. c. 96.—Epiphania quæ anteà Eniandus. Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 27. Ptolem. l. 5. c. 8. Hierocl. Synecd.

[294] Cicero ad Div. l. 15. ep. 4.

[295] Tab. Peutinger, seg. 7.

[296] Cicer. ubi supra.

[297] Q. Curt. l. 3. c. 7.

[298] Ἀντιόχεια ... ἕκτη Κιλικίας ἐπὶ τοῦ Πυράμου. Stephan. in Ἀντιόχεια.

[299] Μάλλος, Σεῤῥέπολις, Αἴγαι, Ἰσσός. Ptolem. l. 5. c. 8.

[300] Strabo, p. 651, 655, 664, 665.

[301] Strabo, p. 663. Strabo has committed a great error in stating that Physcus was the nearest point of the coast to Mylasa. The gulf of Kos is not one-third of the distance of Marmara from Mylasa.

[302] Caria mediæ Doridi circumfunditur ad mare utroque latere ambiens: in ea promontorium Pedalium, amnis Glaucus deferens Telmissum; oppida Dædala, Crya fugitivorum: flumen Axon: oppidum Calydna ... oppidum Caunos liberum; deinde Pyrnos, portus Cressa a quo Rhodus insula xx M.; locus Loryma. Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 27.

Here Pyrnus occupies the place of Physcus, which ought perhaps to be substituted for the former word.

[303] Senec. Qu. Nat. l. 3. c. 19.

[304] Liv. l. 37. c. 17.

[305] viginti paullo amplius millia. Liv. l. 45. c. 10.

[306] Κνίδος πόλις καὶ ἄκρα, Ὀνουγνάθος ἄκρα· Λώρυμα, Κρῆσσα λιμὴν, Φοίνιξ, Φοῦσκα, Κάλβιος ποταμοῦ ἐκβολαὶ, Καῦνος, Κάλινδα, Χύδαι, Καρύα, Δαίδαλα τόπος, Τέλμησσος. Ptol. l. 5. c. 2. 3.

[307] Λοιπὸν Καρία.

Ἐκ Τελμενσοῦ εἰς Δαίδαλα σταδ. ν. (50.)

Ἐκ Δαιδάλων εἰς Καλλιμάχην σταδ. ν. (50.)

Ἐκ Καλλιμάχης εἰς Κρούαν σταδ. ξ. (60.)

Ἐκ Κρούων εἰς τὸν Κοχλίαν σταδ. ν. (50.)

Ἐκ Κλυδῶν ἐπὶ τὸ Πηδάλιον ἀκρωτήριον σταδ. λ. (30.)

Ἀπὸ τοῦ Πηδαλίου ἐπὶ τὸν Ἀγκῶνα τὸν ἐπὶ τοῦ Γλαυκοῦ σταδ. π. (80.)

Ἀπὸ τοῦ Ἀγκῶνος ἐπὶ τῶν Κουνίων (lege Καυνίων) Πάνορμον σταδ. ρκ. (120.)

200 stades from Pedalium to Panormus of the Caunii is nearly the real distance from cape Bokomádhi to port Karagatsh, and renders it probable that the latter was the ancient Panormus, a name which well applies to that fine basin. Its having been a part of the territory of the Caunii, may perhaps account for other authorities having omitted to mention it.

[308] Plutarch. de Virt. Mul.

[309]

ΛΥΣΑΝΔΡΟΥ ΛΥΣΑΝΔΡΟΥ ΧΑΛΚΗΤΑ ΚΑΙ ΓΥΝΑΙΚΟΣ ΚΛΕΑΙΝΙΔΟΣ ΚΑΛΛΙΚΡΑΤΙΔΑ ΚΡΥΑΣΣΙΔΟΣ.

[310] Plin. l. 5. c. 31.

[311] Stephan. in Κρύα.—Stephanus has distinguished Crya from Cryassus, ascribing the former to Lycia and the latter to Caria, copying Artemidorus for the former, and Plutarch for the latter. The distinction is probably an error; unless Crya was the old site, and that the other was the new Cryassus mentioned by Plutarch.

[312] Pomp. Mel. l. 1. c. 16.

[313] Strabo, p. 656.

[314] Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 31. Stephanus in Πάσσαλα.

[315] At Lindus are the ruins of a dodecastyle Doric portico in front of a cavern, at Cnidus there is a Doric stoa, and at Halicarnassus are the ruins of a large Doric temple, supposed by Choiseul Gouffier, who has published a design of it, to have been the temple of Mars mentioned by Vitruvius.

It is not to be supposed that the people of the Hexapolis confined themselves to Doric architecture, being so near the country where the Ionic originated and was brought to perfection. At all the three places just mentioned, but particularly at Cnidus, we find examples of the other orders.

Cnidus formed one of the most important objects of the late mission of the Society of Dilettanti. There is hardly any ruined Greek city in existence which contains examples of Greek architecture in so many different branches. There are still to be seen remains of the city walls, of two closed ports, of several temples, of stoæ, of artificial terraces for the public and private buildings, of three theatres, one of which is 400 feet in diameter, and of a great number of sepulchral monuments. Designs of the most important of these curious remains are about to be published by the Society of Dilettanti.

[316] The following is an inscription at Cnidus:

Α ΒΟΥΛΑ ΚΑΙ Ο ΔΑΜΟΣ ΑΥΡΗΛΙΑΝ ΕΙΡΗΝΗΝ ΘΥΓΑΤΕΡΑ ΜΕΝ ΝΕΙΚΑΔΑ ΓΥΝΑΙΚΑ ΔΕ ΤΟΥ ΠΑΝΤΑ- ΑΡΙΣΤΟΥ. ΜΑΡ. ΑΥΡ. ΕΥΔΟΞΟΥ ΔΙΣ ΙΕΡΕΩΣ ΔΙΑ ΒΙΟΥ ΤΟΥ ΜΕΓΙΣΤΟΥ ΚΑΙ ΕΝ- ΦΑΝΕΣΤΑΤΟΥ ΘΕΟΥ ΗΛΙΟΥ ΚΑΙ ΔΑΜΙ- ΟΥΡΓΟΥ, ΑΡΕΤΑ ΒΙΟΥ ΚΑΙ ΣΩΦΡΟΣΥΝΑ ΚΕΚΟΣΜΑΙΜΕΝΑΝ, ΠΑΝΗΓΥΡΙΑΡΧΗΣΑΣΑΝ ΦΙΛΟΤΕΙΜΩΣ ΚΑΙ ΕΠΙΦΑΝΩΣ, ΤΑΝ ΤΕΙ- ΜΑΝ ΑΝΑΣΤΑΝΤΟΣ ΕΚ ΤΩΝ ΙΔΙΩΝ ΤΟΥ ΑΝΔΡΟΣ ΑΥΤΑΣ ΚΑΘ Α ΤΑ ΠΑΤΡΙΔΙ ΥΠΕΣΧΕΤΟ ΘΕΟΙΣ.

In a fragment of another Doric inscription at Cnidus, mention is again made of the officer called δαμιουργὸς, also of a γυμνικὸς ἀγὼν πενταετηρικὸς held at Cnidus. It was, probably, for these quinquennial celebrations, common, no doubt, to all the surrounding country, that the great theatre at Cnidus was principally intended.

In an inscription copied by Chandler (Ins. Ant. p. 19), at Iasus (Asýn Kale), we find a decree of the Calymnii cited at length. This decree is in the Doric dialect, whereas that of the Iasenses which contains it is in common Hellenic. We are informed by Herodotus (l. 7. c. 99.) that the islands Calydniæ, of which Calymna was the chief, were colonized from Epidaurus; they were consequently included (as was Nisyrus likewise) among the Dorians of the Hexapolis.

In Mitylene I found several inscriptions, shewing that the use of the Æolic dialect was preserved to a late period in that island, which was colonized from Thessaly: the most remarkable form is ΒΟΛΛΑ for ΒΟΥΛΗ, and ΒΟΛΛΕΥΤΑΣ for ΒΟΥΛΕΥΤΗΣ.

Pococke has given copies (very inaccurately as usual) of some of these inscriptions (Inscr. Antiq. p. 45); and one is to be seen in Gruter, p. 1091.

In reference to the use of the Doric dialect by the colonies of that race of Greeks, it may be worthy of remark that the Greek inscription of the time of Psammetichus king of Egypt, lately discovered by Mr. W. Bankes on the temple of Ibsambal in Nubia, appears from the words Ψαματιχο Ἐλεφαντιναν, and τοι for οἱ, to be in the Doric dialect. Herodotus tells us that the Greeks in the service of Psammetichus were Ionians and Carians: those who inscribed the temple of Ibsambal may therefore have been from the Carian Doris. It was perhaps in memory of these first Greek settlers in Upper Egypt that the Greeks of the Thebais often used the Doric dialect as late as the time of the Roman emperors.

[317] Pliny also (Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 31.) numbers Caryanda among the islands.

[318] Stephan. in Βάργυλα. Const. Porph. de Them. l. 1. th. 14.

[319] ... sinus Iasius et Basilicus. In Iasio est Bargylos. Pomp. Mel. l. 1. c. 16.

[320] Liv. l. 37. c. 17. Stephan. in Βάργυλα. Constant. Porph. ubi supr.

[321] Chishull, Antiq. Asiat. p. 155.—This inscription was copied at Eski-hissár in 1709, by the celebrated botanist Sherard, then British Consul at Smyrna. He also copied at the same place, a long Latin inscription, containing a list of the prices of various commodities, as regulated by one of the Roman emperors—which has recently been excavated and more completely transcribed by Mr. W. Bankes. Sherard presented to the Earl of Oxford a volume containing copies of between three and four hundred inscriptions collected by him in Asia Minor. This MS. is now in the British Museum. Catal. Harl. Cod. 7509.

[322] Pococke, vol. 2. part 2. c. 6. Chandler, Asia Minor, c. 56.

[323] Τὰ δὲ Λάβρανδα κώμη ἐστὶν ἐν τῷ ὄρει κατὰ τὴν ἐξ Ἀλαβάνδων εἰς τὰ Μύλασα, ἄπωθεν τῆς πόλεως· ἐνταῦθα Διός ἐστι νεὼς ἀρχαῖος καὶ ξόανον Διὸς Στρατίου. τιμᾶται δ’ ὑπὸ τῶν κύκλῳ καὶ ὑπὸ τῶν Μυλασέων· ὁδός τε ἔστρωται σχεδόν τι ὀκτὼ καὶ ἑξήκοντα σταδίων μέχρι τῆς πόλεως ἱερὰ καλουμένη δι’ ἧς πομποστολεῖται τὰ ἱερά. Strabo, p. 659.

Ælian (de Nat. Anim. l. 12. c. 30.) says that 70 stades was the distance between Alabanda and Mylasa.

[324] Ἀλάβανδα δὲ καὶ αὕτη μὲν ὑπόκειται λόφοις δυσὶ συγκειμένοις οὕτως, ὥστ’ ὄψιν παρέχεσθαι κανθηλίου κατεστραμμένου ... μεστὴ δ’ ἐστὶ καὶ αὕτη καὶ ἡ τῶν Μυλασέων πόλις τῶν θηρίων τούτων (σκορπίων) καὶ ἡ μεταξὺ πᾶσα ὀρεινή. Strabo, p. 660.

... πολλὰς δὲ (διαβάσεις τῇ αὐτῇ ὁδῷ ἔχει) καὶ (ὁ ποταμὸς) ὁ ἐκ Κοσκινίων εἰς Ἀλάβανδα. Strabo, p. 587.

[325] Antiquities of Ionia, part l. c. 4. Chandler, Asia Minor, c. 58.

[326] Voyage Pittoresque de la Grèce, c. 11.

[327] Voyage de Chandler, tom. 2. p. 248.

[328] Polyb. l. 17. c. 2—l. 18. c. 27.—l. 30. c. 5. Liv. l. 33. c. 30.—l. 45. c. 25.

[329] τὸ Γρίον ... παράλληλον τῷ Λάτμῳ, ἀνῆκον ἀπὸ τῆς Μιλησίας πρὸς ἕω, διὰ τῆς Καρίας μέχρι Εὐρώμου καὶ Χαλκητόρων. Strabo, p. 635.

[330] Vaillant Num. Græc. Eckhel Doct. Num. Vet. Caria.

[331] Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 29.

[332] Chandler, Asia Minor, c. 56.

[333] ... περίκεινται δὲ ἀξιόλογοι κατοικίαι πέραν τοῦ Μαιάνδρου, Κοσκινία καὶ Ὀρθωσία. Strabo, p. 650.

[334] Strabo, p. 587. vide supra.

[335] Pococke, vol. 2. part 2. c. 9.—It is impossible from Pococke’s confused narrative to understand either the exact course of the river Tshina, or the position of the places in its vicinity. The attempt to describe them on the map must therefore be considered as a mere approximation.

[336] Voyage de Chandler, tome 2. p. 252.

[337] Herodot. l. 5. c. 118.

[338] See above, chapter 4. p. 159.

[339] Strabo, p. 600. Stephan. in Ἑκατησία, Ἰδριὰς, Χρυσάορις. All these were ancient names of Stratoniceia. In consequence of some restorations by Hadrian, it afterwards received that of Hadrianopolis, but did not long retain the appellation. See Hierocles Synec. The worship of Hecate is mentioned in the inscription of Stratoniceia, published by Chishull.

[340] Strabo, p. 663.

[341] Strabo, p. 658.

[342] Strabo, p. 635. See p. 232, note [329].

[343] Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 29.

[344] The form of the letters in this inscription seems to show that its date is about the time of the first wars of the Romans in Asia. It was an epistle addressed to the Amyzonenses by some person in power: beginning with the usual form of salutation, and ending with the no less customary ΕΡΡΩΣΘΕ. In the Classical Journal, No. 28, the reader will find an inscription nearly of the same tenor and date, which I copied at Cyretiæ in Perrhœbia, and which was an epistle addressed to the people of that place by the Consul Titus Quinctius Flamininus, when he commanded the Roman army in Greece against the king of Macedonia, Philip son of Demetrius. In the inscription of Amyzon, besides the two words already stated, I distinguish ΤΟ ΙΕΡΟΝ ΑΣΥΛΟΝ—ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΣ ΕΥΝΟΙΑΝ—ΚΑΙ ΜΗΘΕΝΙ ΕΝΟΧΛΕΙΝ ΥΜΑΣ.

[345] Having described Miletus and the islands before it, Lade and the Tragææ, now heights in the plain, he adds: ἐξῆς δ’ ἐστὶν ὁ Λατμικὸς κόλπος ἐν ᾧ Ἡράκλεια ἡ ὑπὸ Λάτμῳ λεγομένη, πολίχνιον ὕφορμον ἔχον· ἐκαλεῖτο δὲ πρότερον Λάτμος ὁμωνύμως τῷ ὑπερκειμένῳ ὄρει. Strabo, p. 635.

[346] A re-examination of the ruins of Priene and Branchidæ was a principal object of the second Asiatic Mission of the Society of Dilettanti. Their late publication renders it unnecessary for me to make any observations on the great monuments at those two places: but the reader will not be displeased at my here inserting a curious inscription, in Boustrophedon, from Branchidæ. It was copied by Sir W. Gell from the chair of a sitting statue on the Sacred Way, or road leading from the sea to the temple of Apollo Didymeus. This road—bordered on either side with statues on chairs of a single block of stone, with the feet close together and the hands on the knees—is an exact imitation of the avenues of the temples in Egypt. The inscription (which is perfect to the right and incomplete to the left) is as follows:

The name at the beginning was probably Hermesianax. It appears by ἡμεὰς (Ion. for ἡμὰς _us_) ἀνέθηκεν, that the inscribed statue speaks for them all. The word at the beginning of line 3 may possibly be ΒΡΑΝΚΙΔΕΩ. Of the _crasis_ instanced in ΤΩΠΟΛΛΩΝΙ, there are several examples in the Sigeian inscription, in the Eleian tablet, and in other monuments of a time when the Greeks wrote rather by sound than grammar. It seems to have been particularly at the end of inscriptions that the Greek ear required an agreeable cadence and combination of vowel sounds; and hence their inscriptions sometimes ended in metre, although the former part was not constructed by any such rules. Thus the last line of the following Doric inscription on a helmet lately found at Olympia appears to be the end of a hexameter verse: a supposition which will account for the crasis or omission of two of the vowels.

Κύμης.]

The single instead of double liquid in TVRANA, seems to have been not uncommon in the old Doric—we have ΑΛΑΛΟΙΣ for ἀλλήλοις in the Eleian tablet.

This curious inscription relates to a military expedition of Hiero king of Syracuse, son of Deinomenes, (commonly called Hiero the First,) in aid of the people of Cyme, who had suffered severely from the Tyrrhenian fleet. (Diod. l. 11. c. 51.) The triremes of Hiero gained a brilliant victory and destroyed a great number of Tyrrhenian ships; and the helmet seems to have been among the _Tyrrhenian spoils_ which upon this occasion Hiero and his Syracusans dedicated at Olympia. A few years before this exploit, the same prince had obtained a victory in the Olympic games, which the first Ode of Pindar has made more illustrious than the historian Diodorus has rendered his triumph over the Tyrrhenians: though the poet alludes also to the latter victory. (Pyth. l. v. 137.) Pausanias, who has described (Eliac. post. c. 12. Arcad. c. 42.) the magnificent dedications of Deinomenes the son of Hiero, in honour of his father’s three victories in the Olympic games, says nothing of the offerings of Hiero after his success over the Tyrrhenians: but so numerous were these martial dedications at Olympia, that the omission is not surprising. Pausanias had enough to do to describe the great monuments of art and religion.

[347] ... ἀφ’ Ἡρακλείας ἐπὶ Πύῤῥαν πολίχνην πλοῦς ἑκατόν που σταδίων. Μικρὸν δὲ πλέον τὸ ἀπὸ Μιλήτου εἰς Ἡράκλειαν ἐγκολπίζοντι· εὐθυπλοίᾳ δ’ εἰς Πύῤῥαν ἐκ Μιλήτου τριάκοντα· τοσαύτην ἔχει μακροπορίαν ὁ παρὰ γῆν πλοῦς.... Ἐκ δὲ Πύῤῥας ἐπὶ τὴν ἐκβολὴν τοῦ Μαιάνδρου πεντήκοντα.... ἀναπλεύσαντι δ’ ὑπηρετικοῖς σκάφεσι τριάκοντα σταδίους πόλις Μυοῦς.... Ἔνθεν ἐν σταδίοις τέσσαρσι κώμη Καρικὴ Θυμβρία παρ’ ἣν Ἄορνόν ἐστι σπήλαιον ἱερὸν Χαρώνειον λεγόμενον.... Ὑπέρκειται δὲ Μαγνησία ἡ πρὸς Μαιάνδρῳ.... Μετὰ δὲ τὰς ἐκβολὰς τοῦ Μαιάνδρου ὁ κατὰ Πριήνην ἐστὶν αἰγιαλός· ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ δ’ ἡ Πριήνη καὶ ἡ Μυκάλη τὸ ὄρος &c. Strabo, p. 636. I have inserted this passage, as giving, when compared with the actual topography, the clearest idea of the situation of the ancient places and the state of the coast in the time of Strabo. The plain of the Mæander as it advanced upon the sea, and converted the commercial shores of the maritime cities into unhealthy marshes, successively devoted them to desolation. Myus in the time of Strabo had recently been abandoned by its inhabitants, who had removed to Miletus; but the accumulations had not yet shut up the Latmic Gulf. Such having been the causes of the desolation of the ancient sites near the mouth of the Mæander, they are never likely to be reoccupied. In the Voyage Pittoresque of Choiseul Gouffier, vol. 1. pl. 111., will be found plans by Kauffer and Barbié du Bocage, explanatory of the progressive increase of the Mæandrian plain and the consequent changes in the topography.

[348] Inekbazar was visited by Van Egmont and Heyman in passing from Skalanóva to Ghiuzel-hissár; and one is rather surprised, that their account of the ruins at that place, although extremely vague, did not lead geographers to the suspicion that at Inekbazar would be found remains of Magnesia and of the temple of Leucophryene. The general dulness and inaccuracy of Heyman’s book may perhaps account for this neglect of its authority. I am ignorant of the exact date of the Travels of the Dutch statesman and of the Oriental scholar of the same nation who was his companion. The English translation was published in 1759. We are told in the Preface that the travels occupied thirteen years.

[349] Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 29.

[350] Artem. ap. Strab. p. 663.

[351] Artem. ibid.

[352] Plin. ubi supr.

[353] Artem. ubi supr.

[354] Strabo, p. 648.

[355] Strabo, p. 647.

[356] Plin. ubi supr.

[357] It appears to have been very customary with the Asiatic Greeks to make their stadia circular at both ends. Examples exist at Magnesia ad Mæandrum, Tralles, Aphrodisias, Laodiceia ad Lycum, and Pergamum. At Magnesia, Tralles, Sardes, and Pergamum, the theatre is placed on one side of the stadium thus,

Under the Romans the stadium was sometimes converted into an amphitheatre, by building a curved wall across its breadth, so as to form with one of the circular ends a circle or oval. An inscription at Laodiceia, boasting of such a pitiful conversion of the stadium at that place, has been published by Chandler: and Pococke remarked the remains of a similar operation in the stadium of Ephesus. It appears from Strabo that there was an amphitheatre at Nysa: and there is one still existing at Pergamum; the latter is a building separate from the theatro-stadium.

[358] Vitruv. præf. in l. 7.

[359] Strabo, p. 647.

[360]

1.

ΑΥΤΟΚΡΑΤΟΡΑ ΚΑΙΣΑΡΑ ΤΟΝ ΓΗΣ ΚΑΙ ΘΑΛΑΣ- ΣΗΣ ΔΕΣΠΟΤΗΝ ΜΑΡ· ΑΥΡ· ΑΝΤΩΝΕΙΝΟΝ ΕΥ- ΣΕΒΗ ΕΥΤΥΧΗ ΣΕ ΒΑΣΤΟΝ Μ· ΑΥΡ· ΣΤΡΑ- ΤΟΝΕΙΚΟΣ Κ. ΣΙΛΙΚΙΟΣ ΙΕΡΟΚΛΗΣ· Κ· Μ· ΑΥΡ· ΟΦΙΛΗΤΟΣ· Κ· ΑΥΡ..... ΜΑΣ. Κ. ΑΥΡ.....ΤΑΣ ΟΙ ΑΡΧΙΕΡΕΙΣ ΚΑΙ ΓΡΑΜ ΜΑΤΕΙΣ ΑΝΕΣΤ (ησαν) ΛΟΓΙΣΤΕΥΟΝΤΟΣ ΚΡΙΣΠΟΥ ΑΣΙΑ....

2.

...ΔΕΣΠ..... ...ΡΑΤΟΡΑ ΚΑ.... ..Μ. ΑΥΡ. ΑΝΤΩ...- ..ΝΟΝ ΕΥΣΕΒΗ Ε.... ............... ...Σ ΔΙΔΙΑΝΟΣ Ο... ...ΕΥΣ ΚΑΙ ΓΡΑΜΜΑ- ...Σ ΤΗΣ ΜΑΓΝΙΤΩΝ ... ΕΩΣ ΚΑΙ..

3.

............... ............... .............ΙΕ- ΡΕΙΑ ΕΓΕΝΕΤΟ ΑΡΤΕ- ΜΙΔΟΣ ΛΕΥΚΟΦΡΥΗ- ΝΗΣ ΑΦΡΟΔΕΙΣΙΑ Ν ............

On the same stone as the preceding:

ΑΓΑΘΗ ΤΥΧΗ ΙΕΡΕΙΑ ΕΓΕΝΕΤΟ ΑΡ- ΤΕΜΙΔΟΣ ΛΕΥΚΟΦΡΥ- ................

Although Magnesia was an Æolic city founded by Thessalians, (Strabo, p. 647.) no inscriptions have been found there in the Æolic dialect.

Pausanias in enumerating the great temples of Ionia has omitted that of Magnesia, possibly because he did not consider its district a part of Ionia. He states the temple of Ephesus to have been the first both for size and riches; next, the temples of Apollo at Branchidæ and at Colophon, neither of which was ever finished; then the temple of Juno at Samus and of Minerva at Phocæa, both of which had been burnt by the Persians, but were still objects of admiration: and after them the temples of Hercules at Erythræ, and of Minerva at Priene; the former remarkable for its antiquity, the latter for the statue which it contained. Pausan. Achaic. c. 5. The remark of Pausanias on the temple of Samus, which in magnitude was second only to that of Diana Ephesia, may account for the neglect of it by Strabo and Vitruvius. The latter was so ill-informed as to call it a Doric building.

[361] Strabo, p. 648.

[362] Præf. in l. 7.

[363] Pachymer. Hist. l. 6. c. 20. Nicephor. Greg. l. 5. c. 5.

[364] Strabo, p. 649.

[365] Id. Ibid.

[366] Strabo, p. 650.

[367] Liv. l. 37. c. 56.

[368] Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 29.

[369] Pococke, vol. 2. part 2. c. 11.

[370] Plin. ibid. Strabo, p. 630.

[371] Artemidorus ap. Strabon. p. 663.

[372] Sherard was accompanied in a tour to Aphrodisias in the year 1705, by Picenini; and in another in the year 1716, by Lisle. He copied upwards of 100 inscriptions at Aphrodisias, which are to be found in the MS. volume already mentioned. From two of the inscriptions of Aphrodisias, selected for publication by Chishull, it appears that Aphrodisias and Plarassa formed one community, having a governing council and a temple of Venus common to both: coins with a legend of both names are also not very uncommon. Plarassa is designated as a town of Caria by Stephanus.

[373] Mr. Gandy, one of the architects of the Mission of the Dilettanti, visited Gheira, and made drawings of the ruins.

[374] Its other appellations were Ninoe, Megalopolis, and Lelegopolis. Steph. in Μεγάλη Πόλις et Νινόη.

[375] Pococke, vol. 2. part 2. c. 12.

[376] Chandler, Asia Minor, c. 65.

[377] Herodot. l. 7. c. 30.

[378] The Second Mission of the Dilettanti into Asia did not penetrate so far as these places.

[379] Laodiceia is now a deserted place, called from the ruins Eski-hissár, a Turkish word equivalent to the Paleókastro, which the Greeks so frequently apply to ancient sites.

[380] Antiquities of Ionia, part 2. p. 32.—Chandler, Asia Minor, c. 67.

[381] Cicero. Epist. ad Am. l. 2. ep. 17. l. 3. ep. 5. l. 5. ep. 20. Tacit. l. 14. c. 27.

[382] ... Εἰ γάρ τις ἄλλη καὶ ἡ Λαοδίκεια εὔσειστος καὶ τῆς πλησιοχώρου τὸ πλέον. Strabo, p. 578.

[383] Strabo, p. 579, 628, 630.

[384] Pococke, vol. 2. part 2. c. 13.—Chandler, Asia Minor, c. 68.

[385] Strabo, p. 629, 630. Chandler found at the theatre the beginning of an encomium of Hierapolis:

Ἀσίδος εὐρείης προφερέστατον οὖδας ἁπάντων Χαίροις Χρυσόπολι Ἱεράπολι πότνια νυμφῶν Νάμασιν ἀγλαΐησι κεκασμένη....

And Smith was the first to copy an inscription mentioning a company of dyers:

Τοῦτο τὸ ἥρωον στεφανοῖ ἡ ἐργασία τῶν βαφέων.

The latter illustrates Strabo, who tells us the waters of Hierapolis were famous for dyeing.

[386] Phot. Biblioth. p. 1054.

[387] Const. Porphyrog. de Them. l. 1. th. 3. The bishops of Chonæ subscribed to the second Nicene Council in 787, one hundred and fifty years before Porphyrogennetus.

[388] Herodot. l. 7. c. 30.

[389] Herodot. ibid. Strabo, p. 579.

[390]

... riget arduus alto Tmolus in adscensu: clivoque extentus utroque Sardibus hinc, illinc parvis finitur Hypæpis.

Ovid. Metam. l. 11. v. 150.

Ὕπαιπα δὲ πόλις ἐστὶ καταβαίνουσιν ἀπὸ τοῦ Τμώλου πρὸς τὸ τοῦ Καΰστρου πεδίον. Strabo, p. 627.

[391] Tacit. Ann. l. 2. c. 47. Euseb. Chron.

[392] Strabo, p. 440, 620, 629. Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 29.

[393] See Eckhel Doct. Num. Vet. vol. 3. p. 96; where several coins are described, with the legends ΚΑΥΣΤΡΙΑΝΩΝ, ΚΙΛΒΙΑΝΩΝ ΤΩΝ ΚΑΤΩ and ΚΙΛΒΙΑΝΩΝ ΤΩΝ ΑΝΩ. But it seems that not only the upper and lower Cilbiani, but that settlers also in their country, from Nicæa and Pergamum, had their separate coinage. Eckhel. ibid.

[394] Strabo, p. 620.

[395] Strabo, p. 440.

[396] The total disappearance of such a vast edifice as the temple of Diana Ephesia is to be ascribed to two causes, both arising from its situation. Its position near the sea has facilitated the removal of its materials for the use of new buildings during the long period of Grecian barbarism; while that gradual rising of the soil of the valley, which has not only obstructed the port near the temple, but has created a plain of three miles between it and the sea, has buried all the remains of the temple that may have escaped removal. Enough of these however, it is probable, still exists beneath the soil to enable the architect to obtain a perfect knowledge of every part of the construction.

It is remarkable that all the greatest and most costly of the temples of Asia, except one, are built on low and marshy spots: those of Samus, Ephesus, Magnesia, and Sardes, are all so situated. It might be supposed that the Greek architects, having to guard against earthquakes, as against the most cruel enemy of their art, and having ample experience in all the concomitant circumstances of these dreadful convulsions, which are the peculiar scourge of all the finest parts of Asia Minor, were of opinion that a marshy situation offered some security against their effects. But the custom seems rather to be connected with the character of the Ionic order, which is itself associated with that of the Asiatic Greeks. While the massy and majestic Doric was best displayed on a lofty rock, the greater proportional height of the elegant Ionic required a level, surrounded with hills. So sensible were the Greeks of this general principle, that the columns of the Doric temple of Nemea, which is situated in a narrow plain, have proportions not less slender than some examples of the Ionic order. In fact, it was situation that determined the Greeks in all the varieties of their architecture; and, so far from being the slaves of rule, there are no two examples of the Doric, much less of the Ionic, that exactly resemble, either in proportion, construction, or ornament. It must be admitted, however, that the colonies of Italy and Sicily appear to have been less refined in taste; and, like all colonies, to have adhered to ancient models longer than the mother-country.

[397] Strabo, p. 639.

[398] Liv. l. 37. c. 11.

[399] Colophon stood at a distance of two miles from the shore. Liv. l. 37. c. 26. The temple of Clarus has not yet been sufficiently examined, although, according to Captain Beaufort, its remains are not inconsiderable; and, what is curious in this part of the country, it was of the Doric order. For Teos, see Antiquities of Ionia, part 1. c. 1.

[400] Liv. l. 36. c. 43.

[401] Strabo, p. 644.

[402] Chandler, Asia Minor, c. 25.

[403] Strabo, ubi sup.

[404] Strabo, p. 645.

[405] Liv. l. 36. c. 43.—l. 44. c. 28.

[406] Particularly Herodot. in vitâ Hom. Thucyd. l. 8. c. 24. Strabo, ubi sup. There is a manifest error in regard to the breadth of the island in our copies of Strabo, which assign 60 stades for the interval between Elæus on the western side, and the city Chius on the eastern:—the narrowest part of the island cannot be less than double that distance.

[407] Herodot. l. 1. c. 93.

[408] Herodot. l. 5. c. 102.—Strabo, Chrest. l. 10.

[409]

Ὀρεστέρα παμβῶτι Γᾶ Μᾶτερ αὐτοῦ Διὸς Ἃ τὸν μέγαν Πακτωλὸν εὔχρυσον νέμεις.

Sophocl. Philoct. v. 395.

From a drawing of the temple by Peyssonel in 1750, it appears there were then standing three columns with their architraves, a part of the cella, and three detached columns. Mr. Cockerell found there in 1812 only three columns standing with their capitals; but enough remained of the ruins to satisfy him that it was of the kind called by Vitruvius Octastylus Dipterus—that the exterior columns of the peristyle were about 7 feet in diameter at the base, and that the peristyle was upwards of 260 feet in length.

[410] Choiseul Gouffier. Voyage Pittoresque de la Grèce, tome 2. c. 13.

[411]

... τοι τέμενος πατρώϊόν ἐστιν, Ὕλλῳ ἐπ’ ἰχθυόεντι, καὶ Ἕρμῳ δινήεντι.

Il. Υ. 392.

[412] Strabo, p. 554. ... Ἕρμον εἰς ὃν καὶ ὁ Ὕλλος ἐμβάλλει, Φρύγιος νῦν καλούμενος. Strabo, p. 626.

[413] Pliny (Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 29.) says that the Hermus rises near Dorylæum of Phrygia; which although not a very accurate description, agrees at least with the distant origin of the Kodús in the mountains adjoining to Olympus.

[414] Hermus ... oritur juxta Dorilaium Phrygiæ civitatem multosque colligit fluvios, inter quos Phrygem, qui nomine genti dato a Caria eam disterminat, Hyllum et Cryon et ipsos Phrygiæ, Mysiæ, Lydiæ amnibus repletos. Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 29.

[415] Strabo, p. 616.

[416] Strabo, p. 622.

[417] Antiq. Asiat. p. 146.

[418] This place was visited by Chishull in the year 1702, in his way from Smyrna to Adrianople; when leaving the main road from Smyrna to Brusa to the right at Susugerli, he proceeded from thence to the Hellespont which he crossed at Gallipoli. It is from his route alone that I obtain any clear knowledge of the situation and course of the Æsepus and Granicus.

[419] This Hadrianotheræ was a place of sufficient importance to coin its own money. Eckhel Doct. Num. Vet. Bithynia.

[420] Ergasteria was at 440 stades from Pergamum on the road to Cyzicus. Galen, in proceeding to Ergasteria from Pergamum, remarked a great quantity of metallic substance, which he calls molybdæna. Galen. de Medicam. Simp. l. 9. c. 22.

[421] Bala, or Bali, from the Greek Παλαιὰ, is not unfrequently prefixed to Turkish corruptions of ancient Greek names. Abubekr Ben Behrem mentions a Baliambóli (Παλαιὰν πόλιν) in the district of Aidin, and a Balia in that of Karasi. Patræ in the Peloponnesus is called by the Turks Balabátra.

[422] Eckhel Bithynia.—Sestini, Lett. t. 2. p. 103.

[423] It is to M. de Choiseul Gouffier, and to those who assisted him, that we are indebted for the best map of this interesting region, though much still remains to be done in the details of its topography. In 1819 Choiseul’s map received some corrections and additions from M. Barbié du Bocage, founded upon the observations of M. Dubois, who had been sent to the Troas in the preceding year by M. de Choiseul. See Voyage Pittoresque de la Grèce, tom. 2. pl. 19.

[424] Strabo, p. 604.

[425] Id. pp. 440, 473, 604, 612, 620.

[426] Strabo, p. 605.

[427] Id. pp. 596, 606.

[428] Id. pp. 552, 603.

[429] Id. p. 596.

[430] Id. p. 472.

[431] Id. p. 606.

[432] Strabo, pp. 593, 597.

[433] Strabo, p. 595.

[434] Stephan. in Ἀγάμεια. Hesych. et Phavorin. in Ἀγαμίας et Ἄγαμος. Choiseul Gouffier, Voyage Pitt. de la Grèce, tom. 2. p. 331.

[435] Est tamen et nunc Scamandria civitas parva, ac M. D. passus remotum a portu Ilium immune. Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 30.

[436] This inscription is now in the Royal Museum of Paris. Choiseul Gouffier, tom. 2. p. 288.

[437] I may particularly mention Choiseul Gouffier, Lechevalier, Morritt, Hawkins, Gell, Hamilton, and Foster.

[438] To those who may consider it idle to inquire for a site which was unknown 2,000 years ago, it may not be improper to offer the remark, that not one of the ancient authors who have written on the Troas, with the exception of Homer, was so well acquainted with the locality as modern travellers are; and that not one possessed any delineation of its topography approaching to the accuracy of that with which we are furnished and not yet satisfied.

[439] It is almost unnecessary here to remark, that the ruling family, and hence probably a large portion of the people of Troy, were of Greek origin, and that they had adopted the manners and language of Greece. The Dardanidæ were Greeks settled in Asia, as the Atridæ were Phrygians settled in Europe. For the history of Ilium the reader may conveniently consult the work of Chandler, in 4to. 1802.

[440] Lechevalier, Voyage de la Troade, tome 2. c. 5, 6.

[441] A monument of the same kind is seen on the summit of the hill above the lower European castle of the Dardanells, and another at the upper European castle. The latter has been clearly described as the Cynossema or tomb of Hecuba (Strabo, p. 595); the former as the monument of Protesilaus, near Elæus. Herodot. l. 9. c. 116. Philostr. Heroic. c. 2.

[442]

Κρουνὼ δ’ ἵκανον καλιῤῥόω, ἔνθα δὲ πηγαὶ Δοιαὶ ἀναΐσσουσι Σκαμάνδρου δινήεντος· Ἡ μὲν γὰρ θ’ ὕδατι λιαρῷ ῥέει, ἀμφὶ δὲ καπνὸς Γίγνεται ἐξ αὐτῆς ὡσεὶ πυρὸς αἰθομένοιο· Ἡ δ’ ἑτέρη θέρεϊ προρέει εἰκυῖα χαλάζῃ Ἢ χιόνι ψυχρῇ, ἢ ἐξ ὕδατος κρυστάλλῳ.

Il. X. v. 147.

[443] Major Rennell quotes several observations, all of which make both the sources from 61° to 64° Fahr. Choiseul says that on the 10th Feb. he found the atmosphere at 10° Reaumur, the hot source at 22°, the cold source at 8°. Dubois from the 12th to 16th Jan. found the temperature of the single or hot source from 2° to 5° Reaumur higher than the air; and that of the Forty Fountains, from 1⁄2° to 1° below the heat of the air. Although I was several days in the Troas, I could not make any observations, from an accident which happened to my thermometer.

[444] Strabo, p. 594. Demetrius visited New Ilium about the time that Antiochus the Great was defeated by the Romans—he was then a boy. He describes the town of New Ilium as being in a state of decline, and so poor that the houses were not covered with earthen tiles—ὥστε μηδὲ κεραμωτάς ἔχειν τὰς στέγας: meaning probably that they were covered with what are called in modern Greek πλάκες, generally made of schistose limestone.

[445] That Troy was totally ruined and abandoned as early as the time of the poet, is evident from his expressions in many parts both of the Ilias and Odysseia. That it continued to be an uninhabited place was the general opinion of all antiquity.

[446] Strabo, p. 601. The Lydians are here called semibarbarous in the Greek sense—as using a language and writing not Greek, and yet bearing a great resemblance to it.

[447] Herodot. l. 5. c. 94. Strabo, p. 599.

[448] The Pisistratidæ lived at Sigeium after their exile from Athens. Herodot. l. 5. c. 65.

[449] Ælian. Var. Hist. l. 13. c. 14.—Pausan. Achaic. c. 26.—Cicero de Orat. l. 3. c. 34.—Epig. in Anthol. l. 4. c. 4.

[450] Strabo, p. 593.

[451] Thucydides (l. 1. c. 7.) has remarked the effect of the progress of Grecian society, in moving the settlements of the Greeks nearer to the sea-coast.

[452] Ἰλιεῖς. This word is never used by Homer, who always calls the people Trojans, Τρῶες.

[453] Strabo, pp. 593, 600.

[454] Hellanicus of Lesbus. Ἑλλάνικος χαριζόμενος τοῖς Ἰλιεῦσιν, &c. Strabo, p. 602.

[455] Strabo, p. 599.

[456] He says that the greater part of the actions described by the poet were fought in the Scamandrian plain (or Trojan properly so called): and there, he adds, the Ilienses _point out_ the Erineus, the tomb of Æsyetes, Batieia, and the tomb of Ilus—τοὺς ὀνομαζομένους τόπους ἐνταῦθα δεικνυμένους ὁρῶμεν, τὸν Ἐρινεὸν &c. Demetr. ap. Strab. p. 597.

[457] Strabo, p. 602. A passage in the 12th book of the Ilias (v. 20.) has been adduced in favour of the opinion that the Mendere was the Scamander of Homer; because the description there given of the origin of the Scamander in Mount Ida, will better apply to the Mendere than to the Bunárbashi stream, which rises on the edge of the plain. But the same passage makes the Granicus and Æsepus concur with the Scamander and Simoeis in the destruction of the Grecian rampart, though they flow in an opposite direction and fall into the Propontis,—an absurdity which must destroy the geographical authority of the passage, if indeed it be not spurious.

[458] It is not easy to distinguish the opinions and observations of Strabo from those which he has copied from Demetrius. In general, however, it may be supposed that Strabo had seen little of the Troas himself, and that he therefore followed Demetrius, as a native and a copious writer on the subject. But there is reason to think that even Demetrius saw little of the Troas after his early youth.

[459] Strabo, p. 598.

[460] So called from the ruins of an aqueduct upon arches (καμάρες) which crosses the bed of the river. This aqueduct probably conveyed water from Mount Ida to New Ilium.

[461] Demet. ap. Strab. p. 602.

[462] Demetr. ap. Strab. p. 597.

[463] Scamander, Mæander and Mendere,—which last is now applied by the Turks to three of the rivers of Asia Minor,—seem all to belong to the ancient language of the country, before the introduction of Greek. Scamander may be Sca-Mæander, Sca being perhaps a distinctive prefix to the Trojan Mæander. And the Σκαιαὶ πύλαι may have received its name from the same word.

[464] A part of the old bed is still to be seen in going from Bunárbashi to Tshiblak.

[465] This has been admitted by nearly all the writers on the Trojan question, but has been stated with particular clearness by Major Rennell (Observations, Sect. IV.). I shall therefore merely cite the verse of Homer, which furnishes the direct proof.

... Ἕκτωρ ... μάχης ἐπ’ ἀριστερὰ μάρνατο πάσης, Ὄχθας πὰρ ποταμοῖο Σκαμάνδρου....

Il. Λ. v. 497.

It is almost unnecessary to add, that the poet here, as elsewhere, speaks of the left of the Greeks. Hector was opposed to Ajax, whose station was on the Greek left.

[466] Strabo, p. 597, 598.

[467] In the time of Strabo (or Demetrius) the mouth of the river was 20 stades distant from New Ilium: it has now moved still further west, and joins the sea close to Kum-Kale. The small harbour under Intepe (or the tomb of Ajax) is the modern representative of the portus Achæorum, which was the port of New Ilium, and the nearest point of the coast to that city. Strabo, p. 598. Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 30. Pomp. Mel. l. 1. c. 18. Naustathmum was near the place where the river joined the sea in the time of the geographer.

[468] Strabo says 12 stadia; Pliny, 1500 Roman paces.

[469] Hestiæa ap. Strab. p. 599.

[470] A late writer on the Trojan question (Mr. Maclaren) particularly insists on this supposed error, and conceives the sandy point of Kum Kale to be nearly in the same state as it was in the Trojan war; founding his opinion chiefly on the rapidity of the current of the Hellespont, which must, he thinks, have carried away the soil almost as quickly as it was brought down. But the cape of new formation which lies between Kum Kale and Intepe is surely a proof that the current has had no such effect; and in fact every one who has navigated the Hellespont knows that there is a strong counter current along the two shores, the effect of which has probably contributed to form that cape. Strabo (p. 599.) has collected the passages of Homer which support his opinion that Troy stood far from the sea; and these alone seem fatal to the new hypothesis brought forward by the author just alluded to—that of its position at New Ilium.

[471]

Οὐδὲ γὰρ οὐδ’, εὐρύς περ ἐὼν, ἐδυνήσατο πάσας Αἰγιαλὸς νῆας χαδέειν· στείνοντο δὲ λαοί· Τῷ ῥὰ προκρόσσας ἔρυσαν, καὶ πλῆσαν ἁπάσης Ἠϊόνος στόμα μακρὸν, ὅσον συνεέργαθον ἄκραι.

Il. Ξ. v. 33.

[472] Thucydides (l. 1. c. 10.) verifies our copies of the catalogue by remarking that the total number of ships was 1200.

[473] In one passage (O. 676) the poet seems to represent Ajax as striding from ship to ship: but if some of the vessels were so closely arranged as to have admitted of such an action, a greater width must have been necessary between the divisions than if each vessel was isolated: so that in either case the _entire_ space required will be nearly the same.

[474] Il. Η. v. 467.

[475] About one hundred thousand is the result of the calculation of Thucydides; and the extent of country from which the army was collected will hardly allow of a smaller number. We may admit, however, with the historian, that a large part of them was always absent collecting plunder and provisions.

[476] Polyb. l. 6. c. 27, &c. See Lipsius de Mil. Rom. l. 5.

[477] στείνοντο δὲ λαοί. These words, however, seem more to relate to the unusual and somewhat dangerous expedient of doubling the ranks of ships, in consequence of the narrowness of the beach, than to the crowded state of the army in general.

[478] Il. Ε. v. 791.

[479] Ζ. v. 256, 435.

[480] Η. v. 282.

[481] Λ. v. 86.

[482] Λ. v. 170.

[483] Σ. v. 239.

[484] Il. Ε. v. 303. Υ. v. 286.

[485] Θ. v. 222.

[486] Π. v. 77.

[487] Γ. v. 178.

[488] Il. Χ. v. 131.

[489] Il. Β. 508. Ζ. 327. Π. 448. Σ. 279.

[490] Il. Γ. 395. Θ. 499. Μ. 115. Ν. 724. Σ. 174. Ψ. 64, 297.

[491] Il. Ν. 625.

[492] Il. Δ. 508. Ζ. 512. Ε. 460. Χ. 411. Ω. 700.

[493] Strabo, p. 599.

[494] Χ. v. 165.

[495] These Periplus are: 1. By Arrian, governor of Cappadocia under Hadrian. 2. By Marcian of Heraclia Pontica, who is supposed to have lived about a century later than Arrian. And, 3. By an anonymous author, who has collected his information from the two former, and from some other sources. He is of a much later date than the two others, as appears from the names of his own time, which he has annexed to some of the ancient names, and by the miles which he has subjoined to the stades.

[496] Ptolem. l. 5. c. 1. Hierocl. Synecd. p. 694. Notit. Episc. Græc.

[497] Pausan. Arcad. c. 9. Stephan. in Βιθύνιον.

[498] From Mantineia in Arcadia. Pausan. ibid.

[499] Itin. Anton. p. 200.

[500] Strabo, p. 562.

[501] Ptolem. l. 5. c. 4. Justinian. Novel. 29. c. 1.

[502] See the Note on Σόρα in Hieroc. Synec. p. 695. ed. Wess.

[503] Anna Comn. l. 7. p. 206. Nicet. in Joan. Comn. Chalcocond. l. 9. p. 259.

[504] Artemid. ap. Strab. p. 663.

[505] Gesta Dei per Francos.

[506] Procop. Hist. Secr. c. 30.

[507] In each interval that might be traversed by a foot passenger in a day, there were several inns, and at each inn 40 horses and as many grooms,—so that a courier could perform in one day a distance equal to ten pedestrian journeys. Justinian substituted asses for horses, and left only one inn, where before there had been from five to eight.

[508] Nicephor. Callist. l. 7. c. 49.

[509] Procop. de Ædif. l. 5. c. 2.

[510] Ann. Comn. p. 312.

[511] For the details of the theatre of Side, from the drawings of Mr. Cockerell, see the Karamania of Captain Beaufort.—The theatre of Side is of the largest size, and is in better preservation than any in Asia Minor.

[512] The reader will perceive from the plan of the theatre of Myra, that when the segment was very great, the ends of the cavea were directed not upon the centre of the orchestra, but upon a point nearer to the scene.

[513] The form of the Asiatic Greek theatre is exemplified in the annexed plans of Patara and Myra, and in that of Hierapolis, given in a succeeding note.

[514] Vitruv. l. 5. c. 6, 7.

[515] The lower B in the plan and section of the theatre of Patara annexed.

[516] See Ionian Antiquities, vol. 2. pl. 49.

[517] Perhaps the theatre of Laodiceia was accommodated to the Roman mode of construction, when that city became the seat of the Roman government in Asia, and when the stadium was converted into an amphitheatre in the Roman fashion. See page 245.

[518] Topography of Athens, sect. 4.

[519] Those marked [519] are so much ruined, that it is difficult to procure an exact measurement.

[520] See note [519] in the preceding page.

[521] In Asia Minor there still exist Odeia at Laodiceia and Anemurium.

[522] Vopisc. in Aurelian.

[523] Sericum ad usus antehac nobilium nunc etiam inferiorum sine ulla discretione. Ammian. l. 23. c. 6. Although silken garments were then so common, Ammianus still describes silk, as Virgil and Pliny had done three centuries earlier, as a sort of woolly substance (lanugo, canities frondium) which was _combed_ from a tree in China.

[524] See Arbuthnot on Ancient Weights, &c.

[525] See Romé de l’Isle, Métrologie, &c.

[526] i.e. one Italian sextarius cost 24 denarii. The sextarius or sextarium was in general use among the Greeks under the Roman Government. The Greek sextarius contained 15 ounces of oil or 16 of water. Galen de Comp. Med. l. 1.—L. Pætus ap. Græv. Thes. vol. 11.

[527] Conditum, wine mixed with various ingredients; in the Apsinthium the prevailing ingredient was wormwood, and in the Rhosatum roses. Apicius, l. 1, has given us the receipt for making these three mixtures.

[528] (Oleum) quod post molam primum est, flos. Plin. H. N. l. 15. c. 6. ed. Harduin.

[529] Cibarium, the most ordinary kind of oil used by soldiers, &c., and made from the refuse of the olives. Columella, l. 12. c. 50.

[530] Raphaninum, oil of coleseed, or rape. Plin. H. N. l. 23. c. 49. Dioscor. l. 1. c. 41.

[531] Liquamen: this favourite condiment, also called Garum, as having been originally obtained from the fish garum, was made by throwing salt on the entrails of fish, exposing the mixture to the sun for some time, and then separating the liquid part. This liquor was the liquamen: the residue was called Alec. Geopon. l. 20. c. ult. Plin. H. N. l. 31. c. 43. There were other kinds of liquamen less commonly used, which are described by Apicius.

[532] M̊ was the usual note for modius or modium, the dry measure in most common use in the time of the Roman Empire, from whence the use of the word passed into Italy and France and became the moggio and muid. The sextarius in like manner became the setier. Here appear to be two modia, that for salt preceded by F, and that for grain preceded by K. I am unable to discover the meaning of this distinction.

[533] Sal conditum, salt mixed with drugs of several kinds and used for medicinal purposes. Apic. l. 1. c. 27.

[534] Perhaps mel phœnicinum, the debs or date honey of Egypt and Arabia.

[535] One Italian pound.

[536] Vulva virginis porcellæ. Apicius calls it vulva sterilis, to distinguish it from the sumen. For the mode of dressing these two famous dainties see Apicius l. 7.

[537] Sumen—abdomen suis cum ubere. Optimum uno die post partum. Plin. H. N. l. 11. c. 84.

[538] Ficatum, in Greek συκωτὸν, hog’s liver enlarged by a particular mode of fatting. The word was originally derived from the fatting of geese with figs for a similar purpose—ficis pastum jecur anseris albi. Hor. It was said to have been the invention of the first Apicius, who lived in the time of the Republic, and whose name was assumed by some other subsequent professors of the culinary art. Apicius Cœlius, whose work is extant, appears, from the names and descriptions which he gives to some of the dishes or sauces, to have lived not long after the reign of Elagabalus. See the preface to the edition of Apicius, by Dr. Lister, physician to Queen Anne. From ficatum, συκωτὸν, are derived the Italian and modern Greek words fegato, συκότι, used for liver in general.

[539] Fumosæ cum pede pernæ, Hor. Petaso and perna appear, from Athenæus, to have been synonymous, πετασῶνος, ἣν πέρναν καλοῦσι (l. 14. c. 21.). Perna was perhaps more particularly the ham, and petaso every part of the hog similarly cured. Laridum or lardum was the fat part of the bacon. Menapica was the ham of Westphalia, Ceritana that of the Cerdagne in the Pyrenees, the excellence of which is attested by Strabo (p. 162).

[540] Marsicæ, sc. pernæ. This being of the same price as the two former was probably a foreign ham also; not from the Marsi of Italy, but from the Marsi near the mouth of the Rhine.

[541] Ungellæ—ungulæ suum et pedes, Apic. l. 4. c. 7. Aqualiculum—venter porcinus; for the mode of dressing it see Apicius, l. 7. c. 7.

[542] Apicius has described the mode of making isicia as well of pork as of birds, shell-fish, &c. They consisted of the meat minced with a variety of condiments, and were made either into tessellæ, square cakes, or wrapt in a bay leaf; and sometimes they were omentata or inclosed in a membrane like our sausages. It appears from this inscription that their common size was about an ounce in weight. The Turkish dolma inclosed in a vine leaf seems to be a lineal descendant of the isicium. From salsum isicium is derived the Italian salsiccio, and thence saucisse and sausage.

[543] Lucanicæ, sausages of a particular kind, originally from Lucania, which was famous for its pork. Apicius (l. 2. c. 4.) has described the mode of making the Lucanicæ.

[544] The Roman mode of dressing all the birds, game, &c. in the preceding list may be seen in Apicius.

[545] Pisces aspratiles, quales sunt merulæ, scaurus.... De piscibus generaliter quales invenias albos carnes habentes, quod genus sunt aspratiles ... omnem aspratilem piscem, ut sunt lupi, corvi. Plin. Valerian. de Re Med. l. 5. Fish caught in deep water and near rocky shores. The word aspratilis is not found in authors of a better time, who use saxatilis with the same meaning. See Pliny, Columella.

[546] Sphondili. Apic. l. 9. c. 14.

[547] Sagenici, from σαγήνη, whence the English word sein: in Latin it was called everriculum, and served to catch the small fish eaten only by the common people, or given as food to the choice fish which some of the rich Romans kept in piscinæ. See Varro de Re Rust. l. 3. c. 17.

[548] Cimæ. Apic.—Cymæ. Plin. Columel. The small tender shoots of the cabbage. See Plin. H. N. l. 19. c. 41.

[549] Here and in two other instances below, we find the beginning of the change of viridis into the Italian verde.

[550] Sisinarii, perhaps the same as Cinaræ, artichokes.

[551] Ruscus, in English, butcher’s broom; it puts forth many tender shoots in the spring, which were eaten like asparagus. Dioscor. l. 4. c. 146.

[552] Sicale, in French seigle, rye. The name of this grain, written secale, by Pliny, is here in the state of transition to the σίκαλις, sigalis, sigalum, &c. of the middle ages. The synonymous _Centenum_ I have not found in any author; it seems to have been derived from the prolific nature of the grain, which was supposed to yield a hundred-fold. Secale ... nascitur qualicunque solo cum centesimo grano. Plin. H. N. l. 18. c. 40.

[553] Milii pisti and milii integri formed into single words like Piscisalsi above.

[554] The grain still called panico in Italy.

[555] Scandula. Vegetius, l. 2. c. 23.

[556] Fabæ fressæ and fabæ non fressæ are expressions of low Latinity for fabæ fractæ and fabæ solidæ, as panicii and lenticlæ are terms of the same period for panici and lenticulæ.

[557] Oloserica, a cloth entirely silken—subserica, that in which the warp only was of silk. For the several articles of dress in this list see the writers de Re Vestiaria in the 6th volume of Grævii Thesaurus.

[558] Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 36. c. 4, 6.

[559] In the neighbouring province of Lycia, genealogy was reckoned by the female side in preference to the male. Herodot. l. 1. c. 173.

[560] Strabo, p. 656. Arrian, l. 1. c. 23.

[561] At Alexandria Troas and Ephesus. For their plans see Antiquities of Ionia, part 2, pl. 40, 54.

[562] Peyssonel, in a rude drawing of the temple made in the year 1750, represents six columns and a part of the cell standing. Three of the columns were surmounted by an entablature.

[563] The reasons which Mr. Cockerell here gives for believing that the temple of Sardes was a building of very high antiquity, render it probable that it was the work of one of the kings, or perhaps of several successive kings, of the Lydian dynasty; which began under Gyges in 715, B.C., and ended with the capture of Sardes by Cyrus in 545. It was undoubtedly in the same period, when the power and opulence of Samus were at their height, that the magnificent temple of Juno in that island was constructed; and it was probably about the same time that the inhabitants of the little island of Ægina, which was then sufficiently powerful to rival Samus and even Athens, constructed the temple of Jupiter Panellenius. The temple of Sardes was burnt by the Ionians in the year 503. It may have been repaired, but it is not probable that it was entirely rebuilt after that misfortune.

[564] Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 16. c. 79. l. 36. c. 21, 56. Strabo, p. 640. Vitruv. præf. in l. 7.

[565] “Dipteros autem octastylos et pronao et postico, sed circa ædem duplices habet ordines columnarum sicut est ædes Quirini Dorica, et Ephesiæ Dianæ Ionica a Chersiphrone constituta.” Vitr. l. 3. c. 2.

Such is his definition of the dipterus which he confines to octastyle temples; although we find that all the _decastyle_ temples in existence are dipteral, that is to say, that they have a double range of columns round the cell. In like manner he defines the peripteri as having six columns in front, though all temples with a greater number of columns in front are in fact peripteral, or having a cell surrounded with columns. Thus also he defines the hypæthri as temples having ten columns in front, though we know that the Parthenon and the temple of Delphi, neither of which had so many columns, were hypæthral, or with a part of the cella open to the sky. But, in truth, Vitruvius himself often forgets his own definitions, and uses the Greek terms just mentioned according to their real meaning.

[566] Meaning the largest Greek temple; for in the other passage just alluded to, he names it for the purpose of adding that it was smaller than the labyrinth of Mœris in Egypt. Herod. l. 2. c. 148. l. 3. c. 60.

[567] The fluting under the capital forming part of the same block as the capital, was executed, together with it, before the column was erected—the remainder of the fluting was the last operation after the columns were erected; and hence it happens that we so often find the columns of Greek buildings fluted only under the capitals. The time and labour required for the fluting finished with that perfection which the Greeks required, were so great that it was often deferred until political circumstances no longer admitted of its execution; the temple meantime being complete, with the exception of this ornament. Almost all the great edifices of antiquity attest that such immense undertakings are seldom ever finished.

[568] Vitruv. l. 3. c. 3. l. 7. præf. Jocundus, in his edition of Vitruvius, reads octastylus; but all the best manuscripts have hexastylon or exastylon. See Schneider’s Note.

[569] It is probable that the observations of Vitruvius on the eustylus and pseudodipterus contain merely the ideas and names of Hermogenes, made into a system; and that no other examples of these two classes were known to Vitruvius than the temples of Teos and Magnesia. Selinus destroyed by the Carthaginians was perhaps in his time nearly in the same shapeless state of ruin that it is now.

[570] Plin. H. N. l. 36. c. 22. Dion. Cass. l. 70. ad fin. Dio says the columns were τετραόργυιοι μεν πάχος, ὕψος δε πεντήκοντα πηχέων, ἕκαστος πέτρας μιᾶς, a description which, _if true_, justifies his assertion, that the temple was the largest in existence.

INDEX.

Acmonia, 167

Adália, town and port of, 133. The ancient Attaleia, 193. Geographical remarks on the ancient places on the road from Adalia to Shugut, 144-170

Ægæ, or Ayás, site of, 208

Agameia, town and port of, 276

Agmonia, 25 _note_

Ak-serai, 75

Ak-shehr, the ancient Jullæ or Juliopolis, 59

Alabanda, investigation of the site of, 230-236

Aladan river, the Scopas of ancient geographers, 80

Alara village, 129. Fortified hill of, 130. Probably the ancient Ptolemais, 197

Alaya, town and port, history and present state of, 125, 126. Journey thence to Alara, 129

Aleium Plain, 180, 215

Alexandria Troas, 273

Alibey Kiúi, village, 95

Allah-Shehr, 25

Altun Tash, village, 139. Route thence to Kutáya, 140

Aludda, 25 _note_, 167

Amanus, Mount, remarks on the passes of, 209, 210

Amorium, ancient history and site of, 86-88

Amyzon, ruins of, 237, 238

Anaxia, 197

Anazarba, 218

Anchiale, 179. Historical notice of, 214

Ancyra, 90 _note_. Various itineraries to and from that place, 72, 73. Probable site, 168, 169

Andabilis, site of, ascertained, 74

Andriace, or Andráki, the port of Myra, 183

Anemurium, or Anamúr, 178, 199, 200

Antiocheia of Pisidia, remarks on the Roman road to, from Apameia, 163, 164

Antiocheia in Cilicia, site of, 218. In Caria, 249

Antiphellus, notice of the ruins of, 127, 185

Antonine Itinerary, illustrations of, 25 _note_, 72, 73, 74. Most to be depended on, 75. Corrected, 82

Apameia Cibotus, summary of ancient evidences for determining the site of, 156-162. Its probable site, 26. Remarks on the Roman road from Apameia to Antiocheia of Pisidia, 163, 164 —to Synnada, 164, 165; and to Dorylæum, 165, 166

Aperlæ, 188

Aphrodisias, or the city of Venus, 204. Its probable site, 250

Apollonia, probable site of, 163, 164

Arabissar, the probable site of Alabanda, 233, 234

Archalla, site of, 65

Archelaium or Arcelaio, 25

Archelais, site of, 75. Itineraries to and from thence, 73

Argæus, Mount, 45

Argennum, Cape, 263

Arkhut-khan, 42

Arsinoe, 178. Its probable site, 201, 202

Arycanda, site of, 187

Arycandus river, 187

Ascania, Lake, the modern Burdur, 145, 146

Ascanius, Lake, scenery of, described, 7, 8

Asia Minor, physico-geographical structure of the _central part_ of, 51, 52, 91, 92. Illustrations of its ancient political and progressive geography, 51, 53-90. On the ancient places on the _southern_ coast of Asia Minor, 170-218. Comparative geography of the _western_ and _northern_ parts of Asia Minor, 219-312

Attaleia, city, notice of, 175. Remarks on its geographical situation, as stated by Strabo, 192, 193

Augæ, 197

Axylus, region of, 65; described, 66

Azanitis, district, 168

Baiæ, or Bayás, site of, 208

Bargylia, site of, 229

Beiad, the ancient Beudos Vetus, 56

Beriám-Kalesi, ancient ruins at, 128

Bidjikli, 133, 134

Bithynia, notice of the principal places in, 307

Bithynium, site of, 309

Branchidæ, curious inscription in boustrophedon at, 239, 240, _notes_. Proportions of the temple of Apollo Didymeus at, 348

Bulwudún, village, notice of, 37. Journey thence to Ak-shehr, _ibid._, 38-40. Stands on the site of the ancient Πολυβοτὸν, 53

Burdur, town and salt lake of, 137, 138. Road thence to Ketsiburlu described, 138. —The lake of Burdur the Ascania of ancient geographers, 145, 146

Butshuklu, town, notice of, 135

Cabalis, 147

Caballucome, 90

Cadi, probable site of, 169

Cæsareia, site of, 271

Caicus river, course of, 269. Notice of principal places in the valley of the Caicus, 269-272

Calycadnus river, 111. Valley of the Calycadnus, 116

Cappadocia, one of the prefectures of, why called Cilicia, 63, 64. Cappadocia Antiochiana, 65

Carallis or Caralleia, site of, 69

Caramanian mountaineers, condition of, 113

Caria, notice of the principal places in, 229-254

Carmylessus, 173, 182

Carura, city and hot baths of, 251

Caryanda, island, now a peninsula, 227, 228

Castabala, 64

Castel Rosso, island, present state of, 127. Inscription found there, 184 _note_

Catacombs of Doganlu described, 22, 23, 34, 35. Remarks on the sculpture thereon, 26-28. And inscriptions, 29, 30. One of these catacombs the tomb of Midas, 30-33

Catarrhactes, river, 159, 175, 191

Cavaliere, Cape, 205

Caystrus, notice of towns in the valley of the, 256-258

Cebrenia, site of, 274

Celænæ, 156, 158

Celenderis, remains of, described, 115, 116

Ceryneia, site of, 118

Cestrus, river, 175, 194

Chalcetor, site of, 237

Charadrus, 177, 199

Chelidoniæ Islands, 174, 185

Christians of Asia Minor, condition of, 7

Cibyra, site of, 148. Cibyra minor, vestiges of, noticed, 196

Cibyratis, district of, 147

Cilicia and the Cilician Taurus, 63, 64. Description of by Ammianus, 319. Towns in the district of Cilicia Tracheia, 116, 117. Strabo’s description of Cilicia Tracheia (or rugged) and Pedias (or plain), 176-180. Geographical Illustrations of it, 197-218

Cissides, promontory of, 182

Cisthene, island, 173, 184

Clanudda, 25 _note_

Claudiopolis, site of, 117, 319

Climax, Mount, passage of, by Alexander, 174, 175, 190

Cnidus, ruins and inscription at, 226 _note_

Colossæ, site of, 254, 255

Conni, or Conna, 25 _note_. Probable site of, 166

Coracesium, historical notice of, 177, 197, 198

Cormasa, 155

Corycus, coast of, 174, 189. Promontory, 178. Now an island, 212. Port, 262, 263

Corydalla, 184

Cotyaeium, 24, 145, 167

Cragus, mount, 173, 182, 177, 199

Crambusa, island, 174, 189

Cressa, harbour, 222, 223

Cretopolis, 149

Crusaders, march of, illustrated, 313-318

Cuballum, 89

Cyana, 188

Cybebe, plan of the temple of, at Sardes, with observations, 342-346

Cybistra, site of, ascertained, 63

Cydnus, river, course of, 214

Cydrara, probable site of, 251

Cyprus, island, passage to, 118. Town and port of Tzerina, ib. Journey thence to Lefkosía, 119-121. To Lárnaka, 121. Return to Tzerina, 122.

Cyssus, port, site of, 262, 263

Cyzicus, site of, 260

Dacibyza, or Δακίβυζα, site of, determined, 9

Dana, the same as the ancient Tyana, 61. Ruins of this place, 62

D’Anville, mistake of, corrected, 41, 55

Dashashéhr, village of, 131

Dil, ferry of, 5. This place how formed, 10

Dinglar, the probable site of the ancient Celænæ, 156-158

Diocæsareia, probable site of, 117

Docimia, 25. Site and quarries of, 54, 55

Dogan-hissár, district of, 43

Doganlu, valley, catacombs of, 22, 23, 34, 35. Remarks on the sculpture thereof, 26-28. And on the inscriptions thereon, 29, 30, 31. Date of the principal monument, 32

Dombai, valley and town of, 138. The ancient Tabæ, 153. Route thence to Sandukli described, 139

Doric Dialect, prevalence of, 227, 228, _notes_

Dorileo, 25 _note_

Dorylæum, plain and river of, 18, 19, 317. Site of this town determined, 19. Remarks on the Roman road thither, from Apameia Cibotus, 165, 166. And from Dorylæum to Philadelpheia, 167-169

Draco, river, course of, ascertained, 9. Disasters of the first crusaders among its passes, 10

Edrenús, site of, 272

Elæussa, 178. Present state of this place, 213

Emír-dagh, mountainous range of, 66

Ephesus, temple of Diana at, 258. Account of its relative proportions, 346, 347. Why no remains of it are left, 259 _note_

Epiphaneia, city, site of, 217

Ergasteria, mines of, 271

Erkle, the ancient Archalla, 65

Ermenék, 117

Ermenék-su river, 111

Ersek, 10

Eski-hissar, 229

Eski-shehr, town of, 17 Stands on the site of the ancient Dorylæum, 18 Journey thence to Seid-el-Gházi, 20

Etenna, 149

Etennenses, 149

Eucarpia, 25 _note_. Its probable site, 166

Eumeneia, site of, 156. Inscription found there, 157 _note_

Eumenia, or Eumenia Pella, 25

Euphorbium, 165

Euromus, site of, 237

Eurymedon, river, 194

Eusebeia ad Taurum, site of, 61

Ferry of the Dil, 5

Fortifications, Turkish, notice of, 41

Gagæ, port, site of, 185, 186

Germa, or Yerma, 25

Germanicopolis, or Germanopolis, probable site of, 310, 311

Ghebse, or Givyza (town), notice of, 4, 5. Description of the road thence to Kizderwént, 5-7. Stands on the site of the ancient Dacibyza, 9

Glaucus, river, 157

Gulnar, village, 113. Ancient ruins there described, 113, 114

Hadrianopolis, 271. Its probable site, 309

Hamaxia, 177, 198

Hamaxitus, site of, 273

Harpasa, town, probable site of, 249

Harpasus, river, course of, 249

Hazret Mevlana, a Turkish saint, tomb of, 50

Helenopolis, 10, 314, 315

Heracleia, site of, 237. Ruins of, 238, 239

Hermus, river, course of, 169, 266-268. Principal places in the valley of Hermus, 264, 265

Hierapolis, ruins of, 252, 253. Plan of the theatre and palæstra of, 341

Hierus, river, 80

Homer’s account of the Grecian encampment against Troy elucidated, 298-302. And of the pursuit of Hector by Achilles, 303-305

Hypæpa, site of, 256

Ilgún, village, 42. Stands on the site of the ancient Philomelium, 59. Its lake, the Trogitis of Strabo, 69

Ilistra, 102

Ilienses, village of, 275

Ilium, new, site of, 275

Inekbazar, the site of the ancient Magnesia, 243-248

In-óghi, village, 142. Journey thence to Shughut, 143

Inscription, near Seid-el-Gházi, 20. On the sculptured rock of Doganlu, 30, 31. At Ladik, 44. At Karamán, 100. At Eumeneia, 157 _note_. At Castel Rosso, 184 _note_. In the ruins of Olympus, 186 _note_ [229]. At Ródos, 224 _note_. At Cnidus, 226 _note_. Of Stratoniceia, 229, 329-331. At Mylasa, 338. In boustrophedon at Branchidæ, 239, 240, _notes_. At Olympia, 240 _note_, 241 _note_. At Magnesia, 245, 246, _notes_. At Nysa, 339, 340

Ionia, notice of the principal places on the coast of, 260-264

Isaklú, district and village of, described, 38-40

Isionda, 153

Isium, tower of, 187

Isnik, or Nicæa, present state of, 11. Journey thence to Lefke, 12

Itineraries, ancient, illustrated, 25 _note_, 67, 69, 72-74, 76-78, 87, 154-170

Jerusalem Itinerary, illustrations of, 72, 73, 74

Jullæ, or Juliopolis, 25 _note_. Its site ascertained, 59. Origin of its name, 78, 79. Its situation described, 79, 80. Its commercial and political advantages, 81. Its distance from Nicæa, 72. Distance of Ancyra from Juliopolis, _ibid._

Kadún Kiúi, or Kanun-haná, village, 43

Kákava, 127

Karáburnu, cape, 196

Kara-dagh, or the Black Mountain, 45, 95

Karahissár, the site of the ancient Cybistra, 63

Karajeli, the ancient Coralis, or Caralis, 69

Karamán, mountains of, 45. Plain of, 97. The town of Karamán described, 98, 99

Karamania, description of, translated from Strabo, 173, 180. Illustrations of it, 181-218

Kassabá, village, described, 95, 96. Journey thence to Karamán, 96

Καστελόρυζον, island, notice of, 127

Kelénderi, ruins of, 115, 116

Ketsiburlu, 138. The ancient Apollonia probably situated near this place, 163, 164

Κίβυζα, notice of, 4, 5, 9

Kílisa Hissár, or the Castle of Kílisa, 61. Stands on the site of the ancient Tyana, _ibid._ Ancient ruins of it, still in existence, 62

Kirmir, river, the Hierus of ancient geographers, 80

Kiúk-su, or Sky-blue river, 111

Kizderwént, or the pass of the Girls, description of, 6, 7

Kháradra, 123

Kodús, river, 169

Koehler (General), journey of, from Adália to Shugut, 127-143. Geographical observations on the ancient places occurring in his route, 144-170

Kónia, town, modern state of, 46. Interview of the author with the Pasha of, 47, 48. Description of the place, 49, 50. Journey thence to Tshumra, 93, 94

Kosru Khan, 35. Journey thence to Bulwudún, 36, 37.

Kutaya, the ancient Cotyaeium, mountain and town of, 145. Journey thence to In-óghi, 141, 142.

Labranda, investigation of the site of, 230-234

Ladik-el-Tchaus, 43. Ruins and antiquities there, 44. Country around it described, 43. Stands on the site of Laodiceia Combusta, 53

Laertes, fortress of, 177. Its probable site, 199

Lagina, 230

Lakes of the central part of Asia Minor, 52. Of the Forty Martyrs, 59. Salt lake of Tatta, 70. Of Burdur, 137, 138

Laodiceia ad Lycum, remarks on the Roman road from, to Perge, 154, 155

Laodiceia Combusta, or Laudicia Catacecaumeno, 25 and _note_. Remains of, 44

Laranda, 98

Lárnaka, notice of, 122

Latmic Gulf, 239

Latmus, ruins of, 238, 239

Lefke, town, described, 12, 13

Lefkosía, or Λευκοσία, description of, 120, 121

Libyssa, site of, determined, 9

Limyra, site of, 186

Limyrus, river, 186, 187

Loryma, ruins of, 223

Lycaonia, limits of, 67. Celebrated for its downs, _ibid._, 68

Lyrbe, 149

Lysinoe, probable site of, 151, 152

Lystra, probable site of, 102

Mæander, river, 158

Magnesia, site of, 243, 244. Notice of its ruins, 245. Proportions of the temple of Artemis Leucophryene at, 349, 350

Magydus, 194

Mallus, city, 180. Site of, 216

Malsum, village, notice of, 5. Stands on the site of the ancient Libyssa, 9

Manlius, the consul, march of, illustrated, 56-58, 89, 90

Marathesium, probable site of, 261

Marble, Phrygian, notice of, 36. And of that of Synnada, 55

Marmora, sea of, 2

Marsyas, river, sources of, 159, 161 and _note_, 162. Why called Catarrhactes, 159. Another Marsyas. The same as the Tshina of modern times, 234-236

Megarsus, city, site of, 216

Megiste, island, 184

Melas, river, 176, 196, 206

Menavgát, town, notice of, 130, 131

Méndere, river, 139. A branch of the Mæander, 153, 154, 164

Midaium, 24, 25

Midas, tomb of, ascertained, 31-33

Milyas, 147

Mopsucrene, 74

Mopsuestia, 180. Historical notice of, 217

Mout, town and territory of, described, 107-109, 319. Ruins in its vicinity, 106. Its cemetery, 109. Journey thence to Sheikh Amúr, 110-112

Mylæ, cape, 205

Mylasa, 230. Copy of an ancient inscription there, 338

Myndus, site of, 228

Myra, 173. Ruins of, 183. Plan of its theatre, 321

Nagidus, historical notice and probable site of, 200, 201

Nacoleia, site of, determined, 24, 26. Notice of this place, 24 _note_

Neapolis, probable site of, 261

Nephelis, promontory, 199, 200

Nicæa, ruins of, 10, 11. Distance thence to Juliopolis, 72

Nysa, site of, 248. Copies of ancient inscriptions found there, 339, 340

Obelisk of C. Cassius Philiscus, 8

Obrimas, river, 153, 154, 164

Olbasa, site of, 117

Olbe, 320

Olbia, 175. Conjectures on its site, 190, 191, 192

Olympia, copy of inscription found at, 240, 241, _notes_

Olympus, site of, 189. Copy of an inscription found there, 186 _note_ [229]

Orcaoryci, 88, 89

Orchestra of the Greek theatre, construction of, 322

Orcistus, notice of, 71

Orthography, Turkish, remarks on, 3 _note_ [17]. And on the modern Greek orthography, 4 _note_

Osman, tomb of, 15

Palæstra of Hierapolis, plan of, 341

Pamphylia, scenery of, described, 131-133

Pandíkhi, or Παντίχιον, village, 3, 8

Panionium, probable site of, 260, 261

Paphlagonia, notice of the principal places in, 308-312

Parnassus, distance from Ancyra to, 72. And from Parnassus to Archelais, 73

Pastures of the central part of Asia Minor, 53

Patara, historical notice of, 182, 183. Theatre of, 320. Plan of it, 321

Pelasgi, the common source of the Etruscans and Greeks, 29 _note_. Their architectural skill, _ibid._

Peræa of the Rhodii, historical notice of, 181. Strabo’s description of it, 221, 222. Illustrations of it, 222-226

Pergamum, ruins of, 266

Perge, illustration of the Roman road to, from Laodiceia ad Lycum, 154, 155

Pessinus, 25. Examination of its site, 82-86

Peutinger Itinerary, or table, illustrations of, 25 _note_, 69, 72, 73. Particularly of its routes across Mount Taurus, 76-78, 87. From Laodiceia ad Lycum to Perge, 154, 155. From Apameia to Antiocheia of Pisidia, 156-164. From Apameia to Synnada, 164, 165. From Apameia to Dorylæum, 165-166. From Dorylæum to Philadelphia, 167-170

Phanæ, port, site of, 264

Phaselis, 175, 190

Philadelphia, 25. Its probable site, 117

Philomelium, site of, ascertained, 58, 59

Philomelo, 25 _note_

Phrygia, notices of the ancient history of, 32, 33. Magnificent remains of ancient Phrygian art, described, 29-32, 33, 34. Topography of Phrygia Epictetus, 168, 169

Pityussa, island, 209

Pœcile, rock, 178. Ancient ruins there, 209, 210

Πολυβοτὸν, site of, 53

Pompeiopolis of Cilicia, historical notice of, 213, 214. Pompeiopolis of Paphlagonia, its probable site, 310

Poseidium, cape, 263

Potamia, site of, 310

Prices of various commodities, as fixed by one of the Roman Emperors, table of, with illustrative remarks, 332-338

Priene, proportions of the temple of Bacchus at, 352

Prince’s Islands, description of, 2

Ptolemais, 176

Pydnæ, 182

Pygela, probable site of, 261

Pylæ Ciliciæ, 62

Pyramus, river, 179. Course of, 215

Rhodian Colonies, notice of, 225, 226

Rhodiopolis, 184

Rhœteium, probable site of, 275

Rhoge, island, 184

Rhope, island, 184

Ródos, ancient inscription at, 224 _note_

Ruins of Nicæa described, 10, 11. At Besh-Kardash, 17. At Ladík, (Laodiceia Combusta), 44. At Kílisa Hissár, (the ancient Tyana), 62. In the vicinity of Kassabá, 95. Of ancient Derbe, 101. At Mout, 106. Of Celenderis, 115, 116. At Kákava, 127. Of Antiphellus, _ibid._ Of Telmissus, 128. Of Assus, _ibid._ At Adália, 133. Between Bidjikli and Karabunár Kiúi, 134. Of Patara, 182. Of Myra and Andriace, 183. Of Elæussa, 213. Of Pompeiopolis, 213. Of Amyzon, 237, 238. Of Latmus, or Heracleia, 238. Of Priene and Branchidæ, 239, 240, _notes_. Of Magnesia, 247. Of Tralles, 246, 247. Of Nysa, 248. Of Laodiceia, 251, 252. Of Hierapolis, 253. Of Sardes, 265, 342-346. Of Pergamum, 266

Sagalassus, or Selgessus, probable site of, 150

Sakaría, river, 12

Sandukli, 139

Samus, proportions of the temple of Juno at, 348

Sangarius, river, celebrated for its fish, 66 _note_ [73]

Sardes, ruins of, 265. Described, 342-346

Saporda, 149

Sarpedonia, promontory of, 203, 204

Sarus, or Sihún, river, 215

Scamander, river, probable course of, 290

Scamandria, probable site of, 278

Scopas, river, 80

Scutarium, site of, determined, 8

Seid-el-Ghazi, village, 21. Copy of an ancient inscription in its vicinity, 20. Description of ancient catacombs near it, 22, 23

Sheikh Amúr, village, 113. Journey thence to Gulnar, 113-115

Shugut, town, described, 15, 16. Journey thence to Eski-Shehr, 17

Siberis river, 80

Side, 176. Its present state, 195

Siderus, cape and harbour of, 189

Sigeium, site of, 276

Simena, site of, 188

Sinda, 152

Sitshanli, 139

Soli, city, 179

Solyma, Mount, 174, 189

Stadiasmus, or Periplus of Asia Minor, illustrations of, 181, 182, 185-188, 191-201, 202-218

Stavros, 131

Strabo’s description of Karamania translated, 173-180. Geographical illustrations of it, 181-218

Stratoniceia, site of, 229-230. Different names of, 235 and _note_ [339]. Ancient inscription of, illustrated, 329-331

Sultán-hissár, the site of the ancient Nysa, 248

Surigis, or Turkish postillions, costume of, 38

Syedra, 177, 198

Synaus, probable site of, 169

Synnada, 25. Its site ascertained, 54-58. Remarks on the Roman road to, from Antiocheia of Pisidia, 164, 165

Tabæ, probable site of, 153

Ταβηνὸν Πεδίον, 153

Tatta, salt lake of, 70

Taurus, Mount, passage over, into the valley of Calycadnus, 104-106, 112

Tavium, probable site of, 311

Telmissus, 128. Theatre of, 320

Temple of Cybebe, at Sardes, description and plan of, 342-346. Account of the relative proportions of the principal temples of Asia Minor, 346-350. Plans of various ancient temples, 351

Teos, proportions of the temple of Bacchus at, 350

Termessus, ruins of, 146. Passes of, 147

Theatres of Patara and Myra, plans of, 321. Points of difference between them and the theatres of European Greece, 320, 322. Plan and construction of a Roman theatre according to Vitruvius, 323, 324. Construction of the orchestra of the Greek theatre according to him, 324, 325. Advantage of the Asiatic over the Greek theatres, 326, 327. Diameters of the principal ancient theatres in existence, in Asia Minor, 328. And in European Greece, 329. Plan of the theatre of Hierapolis, 341

Themisonium, 155

Tolistobogii, 89, 90

Tolistochora, or Tolosocorio, site of, 90

Tomb of Midas, 31-34. Of Hazret Mevlana, a Turkish saint, 50

Tracheiotis, or Cilicia Tracheia, notice of ancient towns in, 116, 117

Tralles, site of, 243. Notice of its ruins, 246, 247

Travelling, modern Turkish, described, 3, 4, 104

Tripolis, notice of, 254

Troas, region of, 273. Notice of remarkable places in, 273-306

Troy, examination of the supposed site of, 279-305

Tsháltigtshi, village, 136. Route thence to Burdur described, 137

Tshina, river, course and sources of, 234, 235

Tshumra, village, 94. Journey thence to Kassabá, 94, 95

Tyre, probably the site of Caystrus, 257

Tzerina, town and port of, 118, 119

Vezir Khan, village, 13. Journey thence to Shugut, 14

Weather, state of, in Asia Minor, 6

Xenagoras, islands of, 184

Xenophon’s account of the retreat of the ten thousand Greeks, remarks on the geographical difficulties and discrepancies in, 60, 61

Xerigordus, castle of, 10, 314

Yerma, the site of the ancient Germa, 70, 71

Yorgan-Ladík, 43

Zephyrium, cape, 179, 214

FINIS.

Printed by Richard Taylor, Shoe-Lane, London.