GORDON’S DEATH. CHAOS

“_13th Nov._ 1884.

“I HAVE been away from home just two months—it seems like six, and I shall be glad when it is over. I called to-day on Lord Lyons but found him uncommunicative. We talked a while about things at Constantinople, as to which he affected to know very little, and I told him I thought the Government would be well advised to make its peace with the Sultan. He thought this would be easy now that Dufferin had left Constantinople, and discussed possible or rather impossible appointments of a successor. Layard, he said, has been put out of all chance by the publication of his last despatch. He asked me about Goschen, though saying he certainly would not go back, as he wanted to remain in England. He also talked a little about Dufferin’s chances of success in India, but said nothing that was of the least importance.

“There is a report again to-day that Khartoum is taken, and this time it seems better founded.

“_14th Nov._—We breakfasted with the Wagrams at Voisin’s. They had come in on purpose from Gros Bois. Afterwards I called on Sheffield, who as usual told me a great deal. Northbrook and Baring have been concocting a report to please Gladstone. It will say that everything is going on for the best in Egypt, and propose some temporary financial arrangements, the reduction of the Egyptian army, a loan of eight millions, and a speedy evacuation; all the administration to be in Egyptian hands, and nothing at all in the shape of a protectorate. On the contrary, Egypt is to be put under international control as before proposed. This has throughout been Mr. Gladstone’s policy. Baring has insisted on all English employés in Egypt reporting in this sense, and refuses to forward their views if in contradiction. He only wants to flatter Gladstone and hopes to be transferred to an Embassy. He will very likely go to Constantinople. Hartington and Dilke, on the other hand, are determined on a Protectorate, and on pushing on to Khartoum and establishing a Government there with an English Governor—on staying in Egypt and treating the whole thing like an Indian principality. Sheffield says, however, that the Powers won’t stand this. Bismarck is now hand in glove with the French and will give our Government a slap in the face. He has given them one about the Congo, and he means to give another about Egypt. He will probably propose to settle the Egyptian question over the head of England. He was very angry at the stopping of the sinking fund having been done without consulting him. It was not Northbrook’s plan, who had no idea but that of conciliating the European Powers and the Europeans in Egypt. But when he telegraphed that money must be had, and proposed that the English Government should supply £300,000 for immediate necessities, Gladstone settled the matter the other way, saying that he had promised Parliament that no money should be expended without their leave. Granville, in all he does, only consults Mr. Gladstone’s fancies, knowing that his only hold on office is through him. He has no policy of any kind except to obey the Old Man; he likes office and he likes his pay, and hangs on. He knows he will never be in office again. Gladstone only consults the electors. Between them the whole thing is going to indescribable pot.

“Malet’s appointment to Berlin is simply Bismarck’s nomination. He refused Morier on the ground that he was an intriguer, and insisted on having Malet, and our Government, being on their knees to him, consented. Sheffield is of opinion that we shall have the whole of Europe on our back in a very short time.

“Now we start to-night for England.

“_15th Nov._—Arrived in London by the early train from Paris. My first visit as soon as it was light was to Button, who gave me all the news. Northbrook has come back from Egypt, a more complete failure than any of his predecessors. He was taken hold of there by the Greeks and other commercial residents, and wrote a report, recommending a policy of financial disinterestedness on the part of England. The coupons of the Suez Canal shares were to be cut, England was to pay the Army of Occupation, and finally to advance £20,000,000 without security. But none of his colleagues will hear of such an arrangement, and he has been made to suppress his Report—and there is some talk even of his retiring from the Cabinet. He is delighted with the Khedive and the whole gang, as was sure to be the case. Hartington and Dilke, when he came home, told him he was an ass, and Button thinks they will get their way in the end. This way is to guarantee three per cent. on all the debts, and assume a Protectorate. He says that Gladstone will certainly not listen to a word against Tewfik, but thinks I may as well write to him, and propose to bring my new evidence against him. The style of argument we may expect to be met with is that all Oriental evidence is worthless. At the time when Churchill was bringing on the case against the Khedive last year, he, Button, was staying with Northbrook in the country, and he told him how important it was that the matter should be hushed up. With regard to native evidence Northbrook said: ‘I have always made it a rule to listen to all that can be produced, but I do not let it influence me, I judge by the antecedent probabilities of the case.’ ‘You refer I suppose to the Baroda case,’ said Button maliciously. ‘Well, yes,’ he answered—‘that was my method, and I think it the safest one.’

“Then to Gregory’s. Sir William was at Dalmeny with Gladstone, and had a great deal of talk there with Eddy Hamilton about Egypt, and about me. Eddy talked nicely about me, but Gregory confirms what Button says, that Gladstone is as wrapped up in Tewfik as ever. This is our great difficulty. To Crabbet in the evening.

“_19th Nov._—Again to London. Wolseley is in a mess. The Nile Expedition can’t get on, and Gordon writes that he can only hold out to a certain date. Wolseley is going to make a rush for Khartoum with a few hundred men, but it is thought doubtful whether he will succeed. My letter offering to re-open the evidence against the Khedive in the matter of the Alexandrian riot has gone in to Gladstone, having been looked over by Gregory, and a sentence altered.[91]

“Dined at the Carlton, where I found the big-wigs of the Party very busy over the compromise of the Franchise Bill. I felt rather like a spy among them, though heaven knows I care nothing whatsoever about their politics. Only I fancy they look upon me as a damned Radical. Leconfield was there and we talked a little about horses.

“_20th Nov._—Called on Stanley of Alderley, who lives in a garret, leaving all the rooms of his house empty. He says the Ottoman Empire will outlive the British. _Inshallah!_

“Luncheon with Lady C., who assured me the Prince of Wales is coming round to my view of things in Egypt, but he is not Prime Minister and can do nothing. Dined at the Gregorys’, and sat between Layard and the Servian Minister. The latter assured me the Servian Government was doing all it could to retain the Mohammedan population, while orderly and law- abiding, but they would not stay.

“_21st Nov._—Amir Ali, who is in London and whom I saw to-day, tells me that Cordery is going on as ill as ever at Hyderabad. He talked of a dinner at the Northbrook Club, at which Dufferin had made a speech and explained to the Indian Mohammedans present what a great advantage it was for him, now he was to be Viceroy of India, to have resided so long at Constantinople, and to be in such cordial relations with the head of their religion! The Sultan was a most admirable man, and they were the greatest of friends! There never was a greater humbug than Dufferin.

“_22nd Nov._—Saw Button in the City. He tells me Gordon has sent word to say he can only hold out six weeks from the fourth of November. This not on account of provisions, which are plentiful, but of ammunition. Wolseley consequently intends to make a rush across the desert from Debbeh, and expects to be at Khartoum with the New Year. All the telegrams published about Gordon’s recent successes are military lies. The ‘Times’ is very angry with Northbrook for what he said yesterday in the House of Lords, and is seeking an occasion to waylay him.[92] Buckle is not a revengeful man, but it is the ‘Times’ tradition not to forgive. Chenery used generally to do this himself, waiting his occasion patiently, and then himself writing the article, which he could do better than anybody else.

“_25th Nov._—Wrote to Eddy to hasten on an answer from Mr. Gladstone. Called on Gregory to consult what was to be done. Churchill is going away to India and Ceylon next week, and I hardly know how to act in regard to him.

“_26th Nov._—Khartoum is again surrounded by twenty-five thousand men, and the Mahdi holds the passes between that and Debbeh. If so, Wolseley’s rush will be a dangerous proceeding. Button tells me he means to take three thousand men with him and artillery, but I doubt his getting through and back with so few.

“Mr. Gladstone’s answer has come: ‘In view of my inhibition to refer me to the Foreign Office, he can only acknowledge the receipt of my letter.’ My proposal had been that he should himself examine the fresh evidence against the Khedive Tewfik.

“_27th Nov._—To Robert Bourke’s. We talked over affairs at Constantinople, which he understands. He is all for coming to terms with the Sultan about Egypt. ‘If I had anything to do with it,’ he said, ‘it is the first thing I should do.’ About renewing the charges against the Khedive, Bourke was very adverse to anything being done. ‘If you proved the case to demonstration, it could only do harm, for Tewfik is necessary for English policy in Egypt. Besides, the case is dead now, and you could not get any one to take interest in it.’ About India he was curious to know whether Lord Ripon had really _promised_ Salar Jung to restore the Berar provinces, and seemed to think the Foreign Office at Calcutta quite right in resisting it.[93] There is little to choose between the two parties as to these things.

“Next to Randolph Churchill. He is going to India on Wednesday, and I found him in so open a frame of mind as to Indian politics, that I agreed to give him letters to some of my friends there so that he may hear the native side of the case. I think it quite possible he may take a right view, and if so he will be an invaluable ally. He has just published in the ‘Pall Mall Gazette,’ a sort of manifesto which is wildly democratic, and as popularity is his guide in politics it may well be that he will look to it in India also. He is fond of large and novel conceptions, and Tory democracy might easily be made a cry there, too. So I risk it. Nothing can be worse for India than the Whigs. Talking about Egypt, Randolph told me he had just seen Rothschild who had news from Berlin that Bismarck had declared his intention of supporting France in any answer she might give to the English finance proposals, and Randolph seemed to consider that all the fat would be in the fire. Button told me yesterday that Rothschild held an Egyptian bill for a million sterling, and had made up his mind to present it at date, that is to say about Christmas, and so make the Egyptian Government bankrupt. I said nothing to Randolph about our new evidence against Tewfik, as he is so imprudent. He is going to Ceylon, and I have promised to announce his arrival, and have warned him of the little split there is among the exiles. In spite of his faults it is impossible not to like Churchill. He has so much _bonhomie_ and so little pretension. This is the secret of his success. I am depressed all the same at the aspect of things. I see no prospect now of getting back to Egypt. Randolph told me even he dared not go there as the Government would make it too disagreeable for him, not to say dangerous. He had thought of spending the winter at Cairo, but he had decided not to risk it.

“_30th Nov._—Stead writes that he is ‘hungering and thirsting’ to see me, as he hears I have all the latest news of the Mahdi, and he has an idea of sending me to make peace with him, and asks for an interview.

“_1st Dec._—Stead came at one, and we had two hours of it. I told him peace could easily be made with the Mahdi, but it must be through the Sultan and not Tewfik. He understood, he said, that I was in constant communication with the Mahdi, and thought that when Wolseley got to Khartoum I might go and open negotiations, and a deal more which, as he is going to develop it into an interview for the ‘Pall Mall,’ I need not write. I heard later from Button that it was he who had suggested the thing through Reginald Brett, and it appears that he, Button, has all along been putting it about that I have communications with the Mahdi. He says that the French will accept the English financial proposals for Egypt. Malet has been a great success at Berlin. Bismarck has been pacified by concessions on the Congo. Lord Granville is to make peace with the Chinese for Mr. Ferry, who in return will accept the proposals. Italy is to be compensated in Tripoli, and the general portioning of plunder to begin. I don’t believe the French will accept, as their game in Egypt is too good a one. Button tells me the proposals were drafted by Hartington and only accepted by the Cabinet on the distinct understanding that if they broke down we were to clear bodily out of Egypt. It is a toss up which way it goes.

“_11th Dec._—(After several days’ shooting in the country, and a visit to the Wyndhams at Wilbury.) To London and saw Button. He tells me a deal of news. The French and other Governments, he is sure, will accept the financial proposals for Egypt. Should this fail there will be a split in the Cabinet, and Gladstone will go out of office. Hartington, Northbrook, Dilke and the rest are for guaranteeing the debt. Gladstone will not do this. They will try to carry things on by letting Egypt go bankrupt, then if Europe won’t stand this Mr. Gladstone will resign, Lord Salisbury will pass the Redistribution Bill, and Dissolution will follow at the end of the year. Button himself is off to Tunis for six weeks with his brother Mayo—a sporting trip.

“Dined with Bertram Currie. Bertram has the same idea as Button about the financial proposals; can’t understand the French being such damned fools as to refuse them. His only wish as an Englishman is to get out of Egypt; his only fear that we may be trapped into staying. We are the only thing that stands between Egypt and anarchy, etc., etc. He is not quite so confident, however, as he used to be, and talked of Northbrook as having made a fool of himself; Northbrook is so jealous of Dilke or anybody else going to Egypt that he had insisted on going himself.

“_15th Dec._—Dinner of the National Arbitration and Peace Association in honour of Hodgson Pratt. I was asked to return thanks on behalf of the visitors, and I brought forward the question of peace with the Mahdi, which was very well received. It is arranged I am to write a letter to Pratt, stating my views, and to have it published. There were about two hundred people at the dinner, which was given at the Criterion. Pratt is a most estimable man, and his Association has a laudable object, but I doubt its succeeding in the face of the growing brutality of the world, and I am not at all sure that if it did it would not be a bad thing for the East. The best chance for the East is, that the nations of Europe should destroy each other.

“_17th Dec._—Broadley called with a long story about presents made by Ismaïl Pasha to the King of Italy. He, Broadley, is in Ismaïl’s pay in respect to a lawsuit pending in Egypt. He talked also a good deal about Rochefort and the Communist party, with whom he is intimate in Paris. There is a scheme for annexing Morocco, and the Communists are doing all they can to prevent it.

“At the dinner to Pratt there was some talk of my standing for Greenwich as Home Ruler at next elections. This is the only platform I could stand on.

“_19th Dec._—Stead and Appleton (Secretary of the Peace and Arbitration Society) came to see me, and we had two hours’ discussion. Stead has just been staying with Auberon Herbert, and was in high feather—a man of genius in his way—very anxious to expound my whole plan in the ‘Pall Mall.’ But I would not let him do this if it was to have a chance of succeeding. It was a brilliant talk, and resulted in our deciding that a deputation should wait upon the G.O.M. with which I am to be smuggled in so as to get at him. My letter to Pratt about peace with the Mahdi is published in the ‘Times’ and ‘Daily News,’ so I am committed to action if called upon.

“Lunched at the Carlton with Wynford. That noble Lord has his own explanation of our failure in Egypt. ‘You may take my word for it,’ he said, ‘it all comes of our officials there working on Sundays, it is a breach of the decalogue which leads to other breaches.’

“_20th Dec._—Crabbet. Hunted in a snow storm on the Downs. On our return found a Mr. Wheeler come to interview me for the Press Association. I declined to let him print anything of my plans. He is an Irishman and an amusing fellow, and had some good stories about people he had interviewed. He had had to hunt officially with the Empress of Austria one season in Cheshire, the Press Association keeping three horses for him for the purpose. She rode well—but did not choose her own line. Lady Rock-Savage rode much better. If Middleton, Bay Middleton, who piloted the Empress, got a fall, the Empress always stopped.

“_22nd Dec._—The ‘Times’ has a leading article on my proposal of going to the Soudan, politer than is usual with them, but of course not favourable. Wrote an answer going up in the train, and went to the ‘Pall Mall’ office and gave Stead leave to write an interview, and then lunched at the Gregorys’. The only possible way to pull this thing through is by the press; not that I want at all to go to the Soudan. I have other things far more important to do. But the Soudan is the thin end of the wedge and we must drive it in if possible.

“At six o’clock to a meeting of the Arbitration and Peace Committee, where I found them quite prepared to let things alone. But Karl Blind backed me up, and it was voted ‘unanimously and enthusiastically,’ that Mr. Gladstone should be requested to employ my services. Afterwards I had an interview with a so-called agent of the Mahdi, whom Ismaïl Jowdat has brought to England. There is a kind of committee here in London of Oriental sympathizers with the Mahdi, consisting of thirty persons, who meet every night at a room they have hired for the purpose. Ibrahim Bey is not an attractive man, an Arabic speaking Egyptian, with the true Egyptian eyes, but with a curl in his hair and a very low forehead. In Oriental dress I daresay all this would be concealed, but he wears French clothes and has discarded even the fez. He is not attractive. His conversation was more interesting than his face: he assured me there would be no difficulty in my going to the Mahdi. The best route would be by Massowa, as the road that way would be open, and he promised to send word at once, that some of the Mahdi’s men should be on the look out that way for my coming. Mohammed Obeyd, he said, Arabi’s right-hand man, is now the Mahdi’s General, and of course would receive me well. He made his escape after Tel-el-Kebir to Tripoli, and thence to the Soudan.[94] The Mahdi also knows me well by name. I should have to go by Constantinople, but arrangements would be made so as to assure me a quick reception there. The whole thing would take just six weeks. Ibrahim Bey will go with us, if I like, on Wednesday as part of the Peace Deputation to Hawarden, but he is hardly a presentable man.

“_23rd Dec._—My ‘Times’ letter is published, and in the morning Stead sent me a proof of his interview to correct, a ridiculous thing which I had to rewrite. [The proof was brought by an office boy, with a message that it was to go to press in an hour, and it was a mere accident that I was at home and able to stop it. It contained, among other extravagances put into my mouth, that Egypt would be better annexed than continue ill- governed as it was, an idea which, if Stead’s, was certainly not mine. When I saw Stead later in the day and expostulated with him about this, his answer was characteristic. ‘Well,’ he said, ‘if you did not say it, it is just what you ought to have said.’]

“_24th Dec._—Christmas Eve. By the 10.10 train to Chester with the Peace Deputation to see Mr. Gladstone. It was to have consisted of three persons, but Karl Blind and Dr. Clark missed the train, so I had Martin Wood to myself. I never had much idea that Gladstone would see any of us, and I was certain he would not see me. So we first sent a telegram from Chester to say that ‘Mr. Wood had been deputed by the Arbitration Society to wait on Mr. Gladstone, and that he had brought two gentlemen conversant with Soudan affairs with him’—Jowdat, who had come with me, and me. I made Wood add something about Christmas Eve to give us a countenance, and, without waiting for an answer, we set off in a fly to Hawarden. The only chance was to rush Mr. Gladstone before he knew who we were, and we almost succeeded. We were evidently not expected, and were received at the door by a young footman new to his work, who said Mr. Gladstone was at home, and if Wood had had the presence of mind to go in all might have been well. But he fumbled about for a card, and the footman disappeared, only to be succeeded by the butler, an old hand, who promptly said ‘Deputation,’ and with very little ceremony turned us out. Wood weakly argued and appealed to the man’s feelings. But Mr. Gladstone was ‘finishing his letters for the post, and then would have his dinner,’ and we were shown the door. Going back to Chester we plucked up courage, and drafted a letter, in which we endeavoured to turn the tables, or at any rate to conceal our defeat. We consoled ourselves by thinking that we were fighting in a good cause, that Mr. Gladstone must feel ashamed of himself turning away a deputation of peace on Christmas Eve. It was the climax of all. Here he was making a senseless war for no object he dared avow, and afraid to look honest people in the face. Shade of Midlothian! We sat on at the Chester Hotel till two, and then took the Irish mail back to London—arriving in the gray of Christmas morning, and bitter cold.

“_25th Dec._—Down early to Crabbet, feeling ‘the satisfaction of a good conscience.’ The ‘Pall Mall’ has published my revised interview, but of course the Government won’t accept my offer.

“_26th Dec._—Martin Wood’s letter, the one we wrote to Mr. Gladstone at Chester, is in all the papers in the largest type, and the ‘Daily News’ has an inspired letter, placing all the blame of the situation on Bismarck.

“Hunted with Leconfield’s hounds, the meet at Drungwitch, and had a good old-fashioned run of two hours, through Plaistow into Sydney wood. Kars carried me capitally. Anne rode Queen of Sheba.

“_30th Dec._—Hunted with Leconfield at New Bridge, a run of an hour and twenty minutes, I on Rataplan, Anne on Proximo (two Arabs we had brought from India). It was a very rough bit of country, and it is really astonishing that these horses who have never been across half a dozen fences in their lives, should have gone as they did. Jowdat and Ibrahim Bey at Crabbet.

“_1st Jan._, 1885.—Jowdat and Ibrahim went away to London after I had shown Ibrahim the horses. Ibrahim is by way of being an Arab by birth—that is to say, his family was from Moeyla on the Red Sea, and he turns out to be no other than that Ibrahim Bey Moeylhy who was Ismaïl’s private secretary, and who was expelled from Paris by Ferry’s Government a month ago in deference to the Sultan’s wishes. He is an agreeable man, and extremely clever. It is arranged that we are to have a Conference with Jemal-ed-Din at Boulogne, and they explained to me the nature of the Franco-Russo-Indian Conspiracy, of which Jemal-ed-Din is the head. If the Sultan does not work with him, they say they can depose him. But he will work with them. They want to force terms of peace on England. Otherwise they say there will be a revolt in India. [N.B.—This Ibrahim El Moelhy, brother to Abd-el-Salam Pasha El Moelhy, was a well-known character who subsequently played a variety of parts in many notable intrigues both at Yildiz and Abdin. Besides his talent in this direction—and he used to remind me of Fakredin in Disraeli’s novel ‘Tancred’—he was acknowledged to be the finest chess player in the East. His pretence of being an ‘agent of the Mahdi’ had however very little reality, Jemal-ed-Din alone having influence in that direction.]

“_3rd Jan._—A letter from Selim Faris this morning which disquiets me. It says that Hassan Pasha Fehmy’s mission from the Sultan, which has been recently talked of, has for its object to make terms with the English Government, but that it is intended to support Tewfik, and that the only alternative is the restoration of Ismaïl, who is patronized now by Bismarck. Jowdat has got a letter from Halim Pasha’s son, ordering him back to Constantinople, and warning him against mixing himself up with Irishmen or Hindus, as such a course might compromise the Prince.

“_4th Jan._—Dined at the Club, where I had a long talk with Marlborough, who is writing an article on the evils wrought by Christianity. He is more intellectual than his brother Randolph, but less attractive.

“_6th Jan._—Wolseley’s column has reached Gakdul without accident, and people are again cock-a-hoop. Leonard Courtney tells me Gladstone is ill with anxiety about Egypt. The departure of Hassan Fehmy’s mission from Constantinople is announced.

“_11th Jan._—Button came back last night from Tunis, which he says the French have ruined,—trade gone, Arab peasantry gone, caravans gone, no new colonists, old ones in despair. Passing through Paris on his way home he had seen somebody belonging to the Embassy (Sheffield?), who had told him that Lord Lyons was furious at the want of policy in Egypt. He had a policy of his own which it would seem included Arabi’s return, for Button had been asked whether it would not be possible to get up some popular demonstration in favour of Arabi. From what he heard at Paris the difficulty in Egypt is that the rich people evade paying their taxes and are forty per cent short this year, the peasantry only five per cent. Lord Lyons’ idea is that Arabi could force the rich to disgorge. This is exactly in harmony with Knowles’s suggestion to me last year.

“_12th Jan._—A letter from me in the ‘Times,’ in the best place, and a leading article upon it.” This explained my position towards the Sultan.

“Saw Button. He says the Government has decided nothing. Gladstone does not mean to retire, or Granville, or Northbrook, or any of them. They have no policy, except to wait on events. They mean nothing by coquetting with the Sultan. Hassan Fehmy’s mission will lead to nothing. They look on the Khartoum expedition as a walk over. But my friends Ibrahim and Ismaïl are quite sure Khartoum has been taken long ago, and that the steamers at Shendy are in the Mahdi’s hands.[95]

“_15th Jan._—I have dispatched a letter to the Sultan through Halim Pasha.

“_17th Jan._—Button tells me the fate of Egypt will be settled this week. The French counter-proposals have arrived, and Gladstone means to clear bodily out of Egypt as well as the Soudan. He will not hear of resigning alone, and Dilke and Hartington have caved in. The ‘Times,’ however, does not give up its policy of staying on in Egypt for lost, and a campaign is being organized of defiance to Europe. ‘Dilke,’ said Button, ‘always said the only policy was a policy of bounce, and we are going to bounce it, at a risk of a war with France. But nobody will move a finger.’ ‘If you want to bounce,’ I said, ‘bounce behind the Sultan, and I will go with you.’ Certainly I do not want to see Egypt handed over to Europe. Mr. Gladstone must remain responsible, and must do justice before he goes. Met Wolff at the Club, who urged me to bring forward the case now against Tewfik.

“_18th Jan._—Prepared a memorandum about Tewfik, and tried to find Wolff to concert measures. Saw Stanley, who will put me in communication with Hassan Fehmy. Stanley tells me Musurus talks of Tewfik as ‘incapable but harmless.’

“Lady C. tells me the Prince of Wales is now well disposed towards me, but says I am to be attacked as soon as Parliament meets. She does not say by whom, or for what.

“_19th Jan._—There is a telegram in the ‘Daily Telegraph,’ explaining that Hassan Fehmy’s mission to England is to show an autograph letter written by the Czar to the Sultan, offering him an alliance. This is what I have suspected to be Russia’s game. Presided at a meeting of the East India Association at Exeter Hall, the thing discussed being the age of entrance to the Civil Service. The meeting was a small one; Stanley spoke, and Connell, and Tom Hughes, an old twaddler of the first water.

“_20th Jan._—Button’s bouncing article is in the ‘Times.’ He says the Government will reject the French proposals, at least of a multiple control in Egypt.

“_21st Jan._—Called on Hassan Fehmy, and found Stanley there. We had a long talk with the Sultan’s Envoy. Stanley explained who I was, and gave me every help, for he is entirely without that small jealousy which besets most men, and cares only for ‘the cause.’ We both urged on Hassan Fehmy to be firm in his dealing with Lord Granville, showing him in how much need the English Government stood of the Sultan’s help, as regarded both Egypt and India, and I promised to keep him informed of all that goes on. He seemed pleased at finding friends, for he is quite a stranger here, being a good Turk of the old-fashioned sort, knowing little French and no English, and never having played before at diplomacy. His face is most sympathetic, and I like him extremely. He seems honest and good, but without backbone enough for our Foreign Office rogues.

“To Bowles at the ‘Vanity Fair’ Office. He advises me to stand for Parliament, and has suggested Salford, where he says they want a Conservative Home Rule candidate. He has been nursing the constituency for two years, but now under the new regulations would not get in without the Irish vote. With it he says I should certainly be returned. It is perhaps worth thinking about.

“_22nd Jan._—News of the battle of Abu Klea—Burnaby killed, as it serves him right, for he was a mere butcher, and eight other officers including young De Lisle. Here the bloody work begins again. But this time the butchery will not be all on one side. They have been pretending for the last four months that the Mahdi had no men with him, and behold 10,000 at the first battle; that the Western Soudanese would not fight like those of the East, and behold the British square broken by their charge and 800 men throwing their lives away! They must be under good discipline too, or they would not have waited so long without attacking. Now Stewart’s[96] army will at any rate not attempt to reach Khartoum till Wolseley comes up, and then it will be too late.

“These English soldiers are mere murderers, and I confess I would rather see them all at perdition than that a single Arab more should die. What are they? A mongrel scum of thieves from Whitechapel and Seven Dials, commanded by young fellows whose ideal is the green room of the Gaiety—without beliefs, without traditions, without other principle of action than just to get their promotion and have a little fun. On the other side men with the memory of a thousand years of freedom, with chivalry inherited from the Saracens, the noblest of ancestors, with a creed the purest the world ever knew, worshipping God and serving him in arms like the heroes of the ancient world they are. It is over the death of these that we rejoice. No, I desire in my heart to see their blood avenged, and every man of Stewart’s butchering host butchered in their turn and sent to hell. Gladstone! Great God, is there no vengeance for this pitiful man of blood, who has not even the courage to be at the same time a man of iron? What is he that he should have cost the world a single life? A pedant, a babbler, an impotent old fool.

“Button tells me the idea at the War Office is that Stewart will send back his camels to Korti, and that then Wolseley will reinforce him with 2,000 men. Omdurman, Gordon’s outpost, is taken, and they will push on for Khartoum at all risks.

“My idea is that Khartoum has fallen already, and that the whole thing will end as it deserves in disaster.

“They seem to have come to terms with the Sultan, at any rate about the Soudan, which they will hand over to him—when they have got it. I hope Hassan Fehmy will stand firm. He was to see Lord Granville to-day.

“Dined again at Pembridge Crescent, where John Pollen has just returned from India. Lord Ripon seems fully to have enjoyed his triumph and John with him. Stanley called in the evening in James Street. He is a good friend and a good ally, and shares all my bitter feelings against Wolseley and his cut-throats.

“_23rd Jan._—A long list of killed and wounded published, but no more news of Stewart. Got down home to Crabbet where there is bright sun instead of the London fog. The ‘Pall Mall’ publishes ‘from an exalted source’ (Ismaïl’s?), a fanciful programme of Hassan Fehmy’s terms. I wish there was any chance of their being the true ones.

“I met Hardinge[97] yesterday at the Club, and talked with him about Constantinople. I said that Hugh Wyndham deserved great credit for having brought about a reconciliation between England and the Sultan, but he laughed at this. ‘Between ourselves,’ he said, ‘Wyndham had nothing at all to do with it. He had a quarrel with the Sultan two years ago, and has not been on speaking terms with the Palace since.’ I said: ‘I suppose our little friend Corti managed it for him.’ To this Hardinge did not answer. Of course it was Corti.

“_24th Jan._—There is no news from General Stewart, except a ‘bazaar rumour’ that he is surrounded, and the British public is beginning to get alarmed. Now we shall hear crying and lamentation. Great God! what a stupid dull beast the world is. It sends an army out to fight against an innocent people, and an innocent people destroy that army. One would think that not a single M.P. from Mr. Gladstone downwards had ever read a word of the history of Greece or heard of Marathon. This stupidity is more hideous even than their cruelty and lying. But if there is a God upon the earth He will this time do justice.

“The evening papers announce Hobart’s arrival in London.

“_25th Jan._—Went up to London by the early train to see Hobart. But first I saw Button, who detailed to me the military situation. It appears that on the 28th of last month [N.B.—There is a confusion here as to date. The dispatch referred to is doubtless that of 4th November] Gordon wrote to Wolseley a long dispatch, in which he said he could not hold out more than a certain number of days, and for this reason General Stewart’s expedition was sent. Wolseley would have made it more numerous than it was if he could have got transport, but he sent every camel he could lay his hands on. The dispatch was a long one, and stated that Gordon had steamers at a certain point, about fifteen miles above Shendy, and proposed that naval officers should be sent to man them. It particularly mentioned Charlie Beresford as the man to take charge of them, and for this reason the naval brigade was sent. Gordon had also written to explain that his reason for dispatching Colonel Stewart and the rest by river to Dongola was that he understood from Mr. Gladstone, or rather Lord Granville’s telegram, that no expedition would under any circumstances be sent to relieve him. All this will be published when Parliament meets. Button thinks, all the same, that it won’t turn out the Ministry. He said that the War Office were expecting news hourly, and that if it did not come to-day, they should consider things had gone wrong with Stewart. With regard to the diplomatic position, the Government had accepted the French proposals after all, only protesting against a Multiple Control; and the French Government had accepted the acceptance. This is unfortunate, as they may now think they can do without the Sultan’s help. But our position is still an immensely strong one, and Button promised to help all he could in the ‘Times’ if we attacked Tewfik. Buckle is fortunately away, and Button will have things much more in his own hands till Parliament meets. It won’t be my fault if we don’t play trumps.

“Luncheon with the Gregorys. Lady Gregory has arranged with Stead that Layard shall be interviewed in support of the Sultan. At the Clubs people are in a great state of excitement, waiting news from Metemmeh which does not come. I found Godfrey Webb among others. We went together to call on George Currie, who has just bought the little Gothic House in Park Lane, a really charming one, Gothic though it be, where we found Alfred Montgomery. Then to 27 Grosvenor Street, where Hobart has taken a house. With Hobart I had a long conversation; he had seen the Sultan before he left, and the Sultan’s idea was by hook or by crook to get a footing in Egypt. The English Government, he said, were ready to withdraw their troops to Alexandria and Port Said, and to admit Turkish troops to Cairo. And the Sultan was thinking of sending a contingent to help Wolseley in the Soudan, under the belief that half the Mahdi’s people would lay down their arms at the command of the Caliph. I exhorted Hobart not to let the Sultan do anything so foolish. I know the situation, and if the Sultan were to join the English the Sultan would become as Tewfik has become. They would pay no attention to him, and he would lose all his influence. With the stream he can ride on the top of the wave; against it he can only be drowned. I urged him to get Hassan Fehmy to play a strong game and insist as a preliminary to all assistance that Tewfik should be deposed. He then told me in confidence that the Sultan had told him in confidence, that he hated Tewfik, but that he considered it politic to get a foothold in Egypt first on any terms. Hobart thought that Hassan Fehmy would not be bold enough to depart from this plan, or propose Tewfik being replaced. However, he would try, and as he had a private cypher with the Sultan, he could telegraph to him all my ideas. I asked him how I was regarded at the Palace, and he said: ‘At first they could not understand what you were driving at, but now they see you are a friend and accept you as such.’

“Lady C. is making an active propaganda in my favour and in favour of my ideas. She tells me old Lucan[98] has been with her to-day, and has told her that the War Office has got news that Stewart is in fact surrounded, and he will have to capitulate. The news is not exactly official, but they seem to believe it.

“_26th Jan._—To see Button. He says the acceptance of the French proposals has stopped the negotiations for the present with the Sultan, but they will come on again, and he strongly advises that Hassan Fehmy should declare himself against Tewfik, and promises that if he does the ‘Times’ will bring the matter forward. Buckle is away on his honeymoon till the 19th February, and Button will have things pretty much his own way in Printing House Square, so I have drawn up a memorandum for Hassan Fehmy of the language he should use, and shall try and get him to send in a dispatch to Lord Granville without delay.

“_27th Jan._—Stanley came to me in the morning, and highly approves my draft memorandum, and we went together to call on Hassan Fehmy, but he was out, and I have left the memorandum with Stanley to read to him. Lady A. sent a message by him to say she wished to see me, and I had luncheon at her house in Grosvenor Street. She is very anxious about her son, who is with General Stewart, but I had little to say to comfort her. She would naturally, she told me, sympathize with the Arabs, and her son, too, had sympathized with them after the Suakin campaign. But such is the desire of military glory he had volunteered nevertheless. I also saw Pembroke yesterday, who has grown a beard, and is looking twice the man he was. He, too, is in a state of anxiety, for Reggie Talbot and Heale Phipps, both members of the Wilton Club, are with Stewart. Such are the glories of war.

“_28th Jan._—The evening papers announce Stewart’s arrival at last at Metemmeh after more slaughter, another hundred men or so killed and wounded on the English side, and two thousand they say on the side of the Arabs. This is infinitely disgusting, and the only thing which seems to mitigate the evil is, that being now in communication with Gordon by steamer they may be willing to rescue him, and retire as they said it was their intention to do. They can perfectly well do this by river, without any more battles, and the Mahdi has still a large army on the river bank, between Metemmeh and Khartoum. The Arbitration Association have elected me to their executive Committee, and have called a meeting for to-morrow.

“_29th Jan._—Had a long talk with Ibrahim Bey. I asked what could be done in the way of getting up a demonstration in Egypt against Tewfik. He said petitions might be addressed to the British Government asking for his deposition. The Ulema of the Azhar would sign it, except El Abbasi, the Sheykh el Islam, who is Tewfik’s creature. Some of the Notables might and a number of village Sheykhs, but not the Mudirs, as these are Government officials paid by Tewfik. If the English Government would give the least encouragement every man in Egypt would sign it. As to Arabi, he said all the poor are for him, but the rich won’t hear of him. He urged me to go to Paris and talk things over with Jemal-ed-Din.

“Hobart, Whittaker tells me, has just been staying at Sandringham. The Prince of Wales said to him: ‘I suppose we shall have to get rid of Tewfik.’ Hobart’s instructions from the Sultan are nothing but a programme of conciliatory language, and compliments to the Queen and Prince of Wales. He is only here to advise Hassan Fehmy. Hassan Fehmy’s audience at Osborne was not a success. The Queen would not talk on important matters, and was not particularly gracious. I am afraid his mission will lead to nothing. His only chance was to speak out loudly and firmly, and insist on Tewfik’s deposition. I have got the peace people to vote a resolution urging Gladstone to retire from Khartoum, and make peace with the Mahdi. I drafted a letter for them to Gladstone.

“_30th Jan._—Bowles has published my caricature in ‘Vanity Fair.’ Saw Brett with Button, he and his master, Hartington, are all for smashing the Mahdi and keeping Khartoum and Eastern Soudan. If I wanted evacuation he advised me to send in a memorandum to Chamberlain who has just been declaring that the Soudan is to be handed over ‘to its own noble savages.’ Brett is a clever, but unprincipled[99] young man, and manages all Hartington’s intrigues for him with the press. Button and Stead are the two he works through most, and their latest achievement has been getting Temple, who married Hartington’s first cousin (Lascelles’ sister) made Bishop of London. The ‘Pall Mall’ has been urging it for the last three weeks, and now it is done. The stupid public fancies that Stead is a wonderful prophet, when he insists on this and that policy, and when the policy is adopted. But Hartington pulls all the strings and gives him the information, and so the campaign against the Grand Old Man goes on. I am not sure whether Dilke is still in with them, but I fancy he is. Chamberlain has broken away. Brett, though of course an enemy to my ideas, sometimes gives useful hints. I asked him to-day what they were going to do in Lower Egypt. He said: ‘You are going to have English Administration.’

“_1st Feb._—Dined with George Currie in Park Lane; Alfred Seymour was there, and Newton, the Police magistrate, also Walter Seymour, who is just starting on another venture to Venezuela, this time with a cargo of arms to make a revolution. Alfred Seymour has a story of Sir Peter Lumsden having resigned his mission in Afghanistan rather than carry out the Government’s concessions on the frontier.

“_2nd Feb._—Wrote the draft of a letter to Chamberlain, urging an immediate evacuation of Khartoum, but shall keep it till Wilson returns from Metemmeh with news of Gordon.

“Old Lord Mark Kerr[100] called in the morning, ‘out of neighbourly feeling’ he said, as he lives almost next door (in James Street). I had correspondence with him two years ago about Arabi.

“Lunched with Button. He has told me more particulars of the Hartington intrigue. He says that not only was Gordon sent to Khartoum without a Cabinet Council, but Wolseley also was sent without one. The whole expedition has been an executive measure, which not all the members of the Cabinet have ever agreed to. Similarly the financial proposals for Egypt have never been agreed to by Lord Northbrook, and the Cabinet has been going on in this way for a year, each minister running his own hare. Now, however, Chamberlain will break off and leave the rest, hoping to come in on the top of the wave with the new elections.

“Letters have come from India showing that Randolph, thanks to my letters, has been well received, and there is one I am specially glad to get from Seyd Huseyn at Hyderabad.[101] Salar Jung has invited Randolph, and he has accepted the invitation.

“_4th Feb._—Button says there are great things brewing all over Europe. The French Government, although it promised an answer on the Egyptian finance question last Wednesday, has remained silent. There is a hitch somewhere in the negotiations. There is a row between Germany and Russia on account of the King of Bulgaria’s proposed marriage. The Portuguese have seized both banks of the Congo, being in league with France, etc. Bismarck is furious because the Congo Conference seems likely to break up as the London one did. If we have any luck, there may be a good general European war all round.

“Dinner at Lady C.’s, who is anxious I should go into Parliament as a follower of Churchill’s. She says the Prince of Wales is angry with me because I only care about the Arabs in this infernal war. Afterwards to a party at Lady Stanley of Alderley’s (Lord Stanley’s mother), where I had some talk with Frederic Harrison, and hope to get him to take part in a peace meeting. Lady Stanley talked about the war, as to which they are all very cock-a-hoop now. They can’t take any interest, they say, in the Arabs, because there are so many of them; when a thousand are killed, there are always thousands more to take their place. Dilke was there.

“_5th Feb._—Went to see Lord Mark Kerr, whom I found at breakfast, walking uneasily round, and eating a mouthful from time to time. He is a good, excellent man, but vague in his ideas to the verge of insanity. His instincts are admirable, and he has glimmerings of great thoughts about the East. He sympathizes with the Arabs as he does with the Indian natives, and is very angry just now at the Duke of Connaught being recalled from India instead of being made Commander-in-Chief. ‘The Duke is not clever,’ he said, ‘but he understands how to talk to a gentleman in the East—and they should have made him Commander-in-Chief.’ Lord Mark will help us at any meeting we may get up.

“Then to see Stanley, who urges me to call again on Hassan Fehmy and on Staal, the Russian Ambassador, who wants to see me. He, too, will help. On my return I found Mark Napier, who announced the unexpected and glorious news of the fall of Khartoum. This turns all our plans topsy- turvy, but to our great advantage, and I rushed off at once to see Hassan Fehmy, and had the pleasure of being the first to give him the news. There was another Englishman with him when I arrived, and the Ambassador put on a _figure de circonstance_ when he heard what had happened. But as soon as the Englishman was gone he took me by both hands, and a smile of pleasure broke out over all his face. He promised me to have nothing to do with ideas of helping with Turkish troops against the Mahdi, and seemed quite disposed to follow all my advice. I left him to seek Button, and fortunately found him just come from the War Office. It seems that Wilson[102] was delayed by the shallowness of the river, and took four days getting up to Khartoum from Metemmeh. On arrival he found the citadel dismantled, no flag flying, and the whole place full of Arabs, who opened fire on him, and then he turned tail, and by another accident all three steamers ran aground, and there they still are, Wilson planted on an island, and the news brought in a boat, as I understand, by Stuart-Wortley. Button says that Stewart’s force at Metemmeh runs no risk, as it has abundance of provisions, but I can’t believe this. In any case the expedition has come altogether to grief, and the outside of what there is to hope Button says, is that Stewart can be relieved, and the British Forces concentrated for the summer at Metemmeh. There is no question of an advance now on Khartoum. It is unknown what has become of Gordon. Indeed, the whole thing is conjecture, as Wilson did not land. Button tells me that the Rothschilds got a telegram this morning from their agents saying that there was no truth at all in the story. But this cannot be, as Button has seen Wolseley’s dispatches at the War Office.

“Lunched with Mark Napier at St. James’s Club, and have agreed to take him with me if I am sent to make peace with the Mahdi. This seems not altogether impossible. I met Austin Lee[103] and reminded him how I had told him they would have to come to me after all. Also Philip Currie sent me a note in the afternoon asking me to dinner for Saturday, a thing he has not done for long. I had just time to run in and see Lady Gregory that we might rejoice together, and then I was interviewed by Wheeler for the Press Association, and got away by train home to Crabbet where young Hardinge has come down to hunt. This has been a day of consolation, and I could not help singing all the way down in the train. Why had I so little faith?

“_6th Feb._—A beautiful morning, and we went down to Shoreham, had a capital run of six miles quite straight over the Downs without a check, and killed in Newtimber Holt. Hardinge was with us, riding Proximo, and went all the way close behind the hounds. Harry Brand was out, and we had a long talk about the Soudan. He says the Government are all for going on with the war. He himself had been in favour of sending me out to make peace. But the country would never stand anything now but war. I told him, if he had any influence with the Cabinet, to use it for the recall of Wolseley’s expedition, which would certainly suffer great loss if it stayed. I am strongly of the opinion that Gordon is alive, and equally of opinion that Wolseley is the worst man in the world to negotiate for him if he is a prisoner.

“Had a good deal of talk in the evening with Hardinge. He agreed with me that Dufferin was too fond of humbugging people to succeed in the East. He had been very idle, too, at Constantinople, leaving all the work of the Embassy to Wyndham. The Turks, however, were afraid of him, and he had got a good deal out of them in the way of claims and such like, though his main policy had failed. Dufferin was sore about Egypt, where he considered himself to have been a failure. He thought he could have carried out his programme if he had been left at Cairo longer. Wyndham had quarrelled with the Sultan by accusing him of intriguing in Egypt. He had done this in a fit of temper, but the Sultan never forgave. Hardinge knew all about how Dilke had worked up the Egyptian war, and of the dirt Malet had been made to eat. He has a poor opinion of Baring.

“_7th Feb._—To London early and saw Hassan Fehmy, whom I found in a state of entire perplexity to know what to do. I therefore had no difficulty in persuading him to write a formal dispatch to Lord Granville, protesting against what was going on in Egypt and Soudan. He asked me to write the draft for him, and I promised to do so. He gave me a long account of all that he had said to Lord Granville, which seems to have been very little to the point. A more hopelessly muddled old gentleman I think I never met, honest though and anxious to do his duty, which is far better than to be a clever rogue. However, we will remedy it all by a dispatch that will make old Granville rub his eyes. Button is of opinion that Wolseley will not be at all anxious to carry on the campaign at a great expense, but will rather be for negotiating. His only idea in this direction is to offer money. Harry reproached me yesterday with having gone over to the Sultan, but I said: ‘If your hounds change their fox what is the huntsman to do? Is he to go on by himself or to go with them?’ Down in the afternoon to Wilbury, a day of wind and rain. Percy Wyndham is staunch in opposition to the war. Wrote the draft dispatch for Hassan Fehmy.

“_9th Feb._—At Wilbury. Hunting from Elbarrow, I enjoyed the day more than any this season.

“_10th Feb._—Button telegraphed to me last night to come to London as there was something important going on in connection with Hassan Fehmy’s mission, so I went up. He has seen Brett who tells him some new and unexpected departure is about to be taken with regard to Egypt. The Sultan’s mission is once more in favour. But it may mean many things. The Sultan ought to offer mediation in the Soudan. Lunched with Lady Gregory, and in the afternoon went with Stanley to take part in the Indian Reform Association’s deputation to Lord Ripon. After it was over Stanley and I had a private talk with Lord Ripon, and we begged him to expostulate with the Government against sending Indian troops to the Soudan. He said he would certainly use any influence he had in that direction, but assured us it was not necessary, as no troops would be sent. Nevertheless it is announced to-night in all the papers.

“Dined with Button at the Marlborough Club. It is announced that Gordon is certainly dead, and there are sensational accounts of the sack of Khartoum. I am inclined to think it just as well, in the cause of peace, that the worst should have happened. It will take away the excuse of a further advance. Button says they all mean war to the knife, but I am convinced that in six weeks Gordon will be forgotten, and there will be a strong reaction against the war; then the Government will slip out of it. If Gordon was alive and a prisoner, then the excitement would be kept up till he was released.

“_11th Feb._—George Wyndham is ordered with the Guards to Suakin, and I have asked Jemal-ed-Din to give him a talisman in case of his being taken prisoner by the Mahdi. But it is on condition that he does not use it for any _ruse de guerre_.

“Saw Hassan Fehmy, who described to me a visit he paid yesterday to Gladstone. Mr. Gladstone had been most charming, but had not, it seems, committed himself to anything definite. He, the Pasha, was very angry about the Italian occupation of Massowa, but I could not get out of him exactly what proposals he had made on the Sultan’s behalf. Button declares that it was arranged positively three weeks ago that Turkish troops should occupy Cairo, but the acceptance by France of the financial proposals stopped this. Now, however, he tells me, as a great secret, that the proposals have again broken down. And that is the reason why they are anxious again to arrange matters with the Sultan. Hassan Fehmy was very cordial, and promised to come down to Crabbet as soon as these worries are off his hands. I gave him my draft of his dispatch to Lord Granville which Stanley had translated into French, but it was written on Sunday when we thought still that no arrangement could be come to with the Foreign Office. He said, however, that he would keep it to use in case the present negotiations broke down. Speaking of Ismaïl Pasha, he said I might trust him not to compromise himself in that direction, that the Sultan knew very well that Ismaïl was his worst enemy.

“_12th Feb._—Down again to Wilbury, another day’s hunting from Vernham Gate, and had a hard run of an hour across very steep hills, and killed in a wood. Kars carried me well, and I was again in front all the way.

“There is news of another bloody battle in the Soudan. General Earle killed this time. Morley and Courtney have come out well in favour of peace, and I am sure the Government will not be allowed to go on with this butchery. To-night’s ‘Pall Mall’ has an article strongly for Ismaïl.

“_14th Feb._—Hunted in Savernake Forest.

“_15th Feb._—Wilbury. Major Poore, an old disciple of Urquhart’s, called, and I had some interesting conversation with him. Urquhart doubtless was the founder of a remarkable school of political morality, but his eccentricities injured its effect, and much of his practical teaching is now old-fashioned.

“_17th Feb._—To London early. I find everybody very angry with Gladstone for having been to the play the very night the news of Gordon’s death was received, and I hear that he was hissed in St. James’s Street.

“To Lymington’s wedding with Miss Pease, the Quaker heiress. We may hope soon to get the Quakers on the side of peace. Hitherto they have been dead against it.

“Talked with Hobart Pasha at his Club, the Army and Navy. He saw Gladstone yesterday, who told him that he had never had any ill-feeling towards the Turks, indeed had rather liked them than otherwise. Harcourt told him that the Government knew that the Sultan’s only wish was to restore Ismaïl.[104] As to this Hobart expressed to me his great anger. They have had nothing to do with Ismaïl, who has spoiled Hassan Fehmy’s mission.

“_18th Feb._—Button is very anxious to find out what is in the air. I went accordingly to Hassan Fehmy, and had a few words with him—but he is a hopeless man. Lord Granville complains of him that he, Hassan, understands nothing that he says, and that he, Lord Granville, understands very little of what Hassan says. I can well believe it. He seemed vexed at being questioned about Ismaïl.

“Dined with Mrs. S., where Philip Currie was. His special business now at the Foreign Office is the Afghan frontier. This he flattered himself he knew thoroughly. ‘The Russians,’ he said, ‘have the strongest hand, but we hold half a dozen good cards which we may play well.’ It will take better playing than he gave his cards in Egypt to prevent a war.

“_19th Feb._—Looked in at Gregory’s. He is writing a plea for Arabi’s recall to Egypt in the ‘Nineteenth Century.’ It is generally admitted now in the light of the Soudan rebellion that the Egyptian war was a mistake, and Arabi an honest man. Jem Lowther, whom I met to-day, says the Opposition have decided on a Vote of Censure, and the declaration of an alternative policy in Egypt. It must be either Arabi or annexation. He said he himself was for annexation. There is a sensational account in the ‘Pall Mall’ of a retreat from Metemmeh and the recall of Wolseley. I hope Buller will get his force back without fighting, as defeat might now injure the cause of peace. People are much agitated about this at the Carlton, among others Pembroke. While at a meeting of the Peace Committee we heard Gladstone hooted on his way to Westminster. Parliament met to-day, and it must have been a gloomy business for the Grand Old Man to announce his policy of blood, especially as it will mean a policy of defeat. General Stewart is dead of his wounds.

“Labouchere sent word to say he wanted to know Ismaïl Jowdat’s address, and I called on him to-day. He tells me Herbert Gladstone has been at him to try and find out a way of communicating with the Mahdi. We had a long talk on the subject. Herbert Gladstone is used by his father as a go-between, and communicates with the Irish through Labouchere. Labouchere assures me that many Parliamentary arrangements have in this way been made up between the Grand Old Man and Mr. Parnell. And he says it is delicious to hear Mr. Gladstone afterwards denying them in the House of Commons. I promised him to put the Government in communication with the Mahdi’s agents whenever they like.

“_20th Feb._—Labouchere writes that he has seen Herbert Gladstone again, and wants me to advise the Mahdi to constitute some one his regular agent by sending him credentials. I had already thought of doing this, and I had another long talk with him about it. The essential, he says, is that the thing should not be known, as the Government could never carry a proposal through the House to employ me in treating. But all the same they would like to treat, and we agreed that the base of negotiation might be the complete evacuation of the Soudan by the English and Egyptians, and a restoration of the Wady Halfa frontier. Suakin might be given to the Sultan, and in any case must be evacuated by us. On this basis a peace or truce might be effected and Wolseley’s troops withdrawn. Labouchere was very amusing about the various little intrigues he had helped to carry on for Mr. Gladstone, and I hope this one may succeed as well as the others. He says that on one occasion Gladstone got his own side to vote against him.

“Lady Gregory has told me the whole of her husband’s conversation with Mr. Gladstone (which he had not told me). It was after dinner on Tuesday. Mr. Gladstone insisted on talking to Sir William in spite of friends who tried to interrupt. He began by asking him what he would do, and Gregory said he would certainly not go to Khartoum. To this Mr. Gladstone replied: ‘Oh, I think, from all the information in our possession, that the taking of Khartoum will not be a very difficult matter.’ ‘The difficulty you think,’ said Sir William, ‘will be after?’ ‘Ah, yes,’ said Mr. Gladstone, ‘a twenty times greater difficulty. If I only knew what was then to be done my mind would be easy.’ He then asked Sir William whether he thought it would be possible to treat with the Mahdi. ‘How can we approach such a man? Through what channel and on what terms?’ ‘There is,’ said Sir William, ‘but one man who could help you there.’ ‘And who is that? You don’t mean Blunt?’ ‘No,’ said Sir William, ‘not Blunt. I am thinking of Arabi.’ ‘Ah,’ said Mr. Gladstone, ‘that is a point on which you and I differ. You think Arabi an honest man. I think him a _consummate blackguard_. Why, I have had in my hands letters signed by that man in which he offers to barter the liberties of his country to the Sultan!’ Sir William asked him at what date these had been written, and Mr. Gladstone said about three weeks before the bombardment of Alexandria. ‘At that time,’ said Sir William, ‘I suppose all the Egyptians had been driven into the Sultan’s arms. I do not alter my opinion of him, which is what it has always been, that he is an honest man and a patriot.’ ‘Ah,’ said Mr. Gladstone, ‘what would I not give to believe it with you! If I could only believe him honest _I would jump at him_.’ This we think rather hopeful, but I fear the old man’s pride will be too strong for him.

“Ibrahim Bey called again, and I told him I thought it better he should not come back to James Street for the present, as it might compromise us, that the Government were in a fair way to treat and that it would not do to frighten them. He expressed his willingness to go to Suakin on a mission if required; and perhaps some day we may use him in this way.

“M. Taschaud, a Belgian dignitary, called. He is the promoter of arbitration and peace abroad, and especially I fancy of his own glory. He is the author of a pamphlet called the ‘Future of Egypt, by an ex- plenipotentiary,’ and seems to know people about. He assured me that he had written this pamphlet as an article for the ‘Fortnightly,’ but that after it was in print Escott had substituted for it the famous article signed ‘G.’ This, M. Taschaud says, was certainly written with Mr. Gladstone’s consent, though not by himself. His ideas of Egypt I do not share, as they seem to consist of internationalizing it for the profit of Europe.

“Stanley writes that he has seen Hassan Fehmy, and that it is all right about the ex-Khedive Ismaïl. So I am satisfied. But I am glad all the same that they are not thinking now of employing the Sultan to mediate in the Soudan. He would only make a mess of it. Lunched at the Carlton. Dined at St. James’s Club with Walter Seymour. Saw Eddy Hamilton looking pale and harassed. He acknowledged himself pretty near dead beat. I said: ‘When Wolseley is a prisoner, you will know where to find me.’

“_21st Feb._—Nebbi Ullah[105] called and I urged him to come to the Soudan Conference and protest against the employment of Indian troops against the Mahdi. He promised to do so and to get others to speak among the Indians now in London. I think that will have a good effect. After this came one Johnstone, who is getting up a large meeting in St. James’s Hall for the week after next, and who has asked me to preside. He represents himself as having command of the working men’s association, and says he can get together a good number of popular working men speakers. I have promised to preside as he wishes, and it certainly can do no harm, especially as the meeting is to ask for Arabi’s recall to Egypt as well as for an abandonment of the Soudan campaign.

“Then Drummond Wolff called, who wants materials for his speech on the Vote of Censure. I gave him the text of my letter to Gladstone of last April proposing to mediate in the Soudan; and urged him strongly to get the Fourth Party to take up the cause of peace. It was sure to be the winning cause.

“After him John Morley, who came for the same purpose and stopped to luncheon. He wanted particularly an argument against the Slave Trade cry, and to know whether the Mahdi could be induced to treat on a civilized basis. He told me that Dilke had told him yesterday that Mr. Gladstone’s speech on Monday in answer to the motion of censure would be pitched in quite a different key and far more peaceable. He, Morley, is to follow immediately after Northcote, and then Mr. Gladstone will reply to both. It is all very well Morley coming forward now as the champion of peace, but it was his defection from Frederic Harrison and me last year that decided the Government to send the expedition. If he had spoken out then as he does now, he would have prevented it. But he wished to please his constituents at Newcastle with whom the legend of the Grand Old Man still survives. I did not, however, reproach him with the past, as it would have done no good.

“At the Carlton I coached a third M.P., Robert Bourke, who seems coming round now to Arabi. I should not be surprised if the Conservatives took him up after all.

“Then I called on Cardinal Manning and sat with him an hour in his private room in which he certainly looks very much in character. It is a large room, but he has made it habitable with a tall screen lined with bookcases running round the fire, and ensconced in which he sits. I never saw him looking better, and complimented him on the effect of his abstinence. This pleased him. I wanted him to take an active part in favour of peace, but he would not do this, as he said he was forbidden by his rulers to take part in politics. But he sympathizes much with my views, as he has always done, though not very understandingly. Talking of the English Catholic Laity, he said they were hopelessly dull—most of them—very old-fashioned Conservatives, and he did not think I should get much support out of them. The Irish, of course, supported me, but that was out of hatred to England—and it would not advance my cause. Cardinal Manning is a link for me with the extreme past, for I have known him nearly forty years, and I think it is a pleasure for him to see me for the same reason. He leads a very lonely life, out of harmony with those about him, and clinging to old recollections. He talked warmly about old Sussex days and the kindly relations existing there between all classes. He is very hopeless about England’s prospects, and indeed the news to- day is enough to make Englishmen gloomy, for Buller and his force seem surrounded at Abu Klea, and it may well be that even Wolseley may have to capitulate before the summer is over.

“_22nd Feb._—The ‘Sunday Times’ has a sensational ‘victory’ at Abu Klea, but it is evidently not worth much, as Buller is still tied by the leg—‘want of camels.’ This is just what will make all these campaigns impotent. Then, being unable to move, they will run short of provisions, and then the hot weather will come. They will be ‘hemmed in’ by the Arabs, and unless they make peace will have to capitulate. Button tells me the Government are ready to treat with the Mahdi on almost any terms he could ask, and advises me to go to Paris and start negotiations there. I shall go, but must first hear the opening of the Debate of Censure. With regard to that, Button tells me some of the Cabinet are very anxious to get beaten. Chamberlain told a friend of his last night that he would far rather go to the country and explain peace than have to explain war. If Morley would only accept Mr. Gladstone’s speech on Monday as a peace speech and withdraw his motion, many of the Whigs would go over to the Tories and turn the Government out. I have written an article on Hassan Fehmy’s mission for Button for the ‘Times,’ and I took it to him to-day. It is against my rule to do this, as I have only once written an unsigned thing for them, namely, the article on the Palmer expedition. But this is an exceptional case. Button says the Conservatives are all talking now of Arabi and are half disposed to take him up. They would certainly make terms with the Sultan if they came into office.

“Ferid Bey, the First Secretary of the Turkish Embassy, called. He is very much against the Mahdi, and believes that but for him the English would long ago have left Egypt. I did my best to persuade him to take a broad view, and suggested that if they wanted to treat with Lord Granville effectively they should mass 20,000 men at Gaza.

“To Crabbet by late train.

“_23rd Feb._—Wrote to Morley repeating what Button had suggested about his withdrawing his amendment, so as to turn the Government out and have a good honest opposition to the war, and also about Ibrahim Bey’s statement published on Thursday. Beta, who I hear is Morier, mentions it and challenges me to say whether it is authentic, and I have begged Morley to say from me that it is so.

“We hunted with the Crawley and Horsham hounds from Patching, and had a pretty run across the down to Steyning, whence we came home, Kars having cut his fetlock with a flint.

“Up to town in the evening and dined at Lady C.’s. She says all her friends now are speaking well of me. Met Henry Chaplin at the Carlton, who thinks Wolseley’s army is lost.

“_24th Feb._—To Button early. He tells me Philip Currie, with whom he talked, is anxious to get into communication with the Mahdi, but of course not through me or anybody who can really help him. The Censure Debate came on last night, and, though Mr. Gladstone was not of course outspoken, his speech was nevertheless distinctly more peaceable than the first. It seems, however, to have been a miserable exhibition of the old hair-splitting arguments, like all the rest he has made on the Egyptian business. I cannot understand his reputation as an orator. He certainly has an extreme facility and power of statement, but he neither touches nor convinces. It is a lawyer’s eloquence, not a statesman’s—at least this is the impression his speeches have always made on me. Button thinks nevertheless he will get his majority, but that the Government will go to pieces on some smaller issue during the Session.

“Called on Stanley to tell him something of my plans, and then went by the tidal train to Paris.

“_25th Feb._—At the Hotel Wagram. Sanua called last night and we talked affairs over, and this morning I had two hours with Jemal-ed-Din. I find there will be more difficulty in treating with the Mahdi now than I thought, or than would have been the case last year, for the taking of Khartoum has altered the situation considerably. Also they are much elated at having killed five English generals, a thing never heard of, they say, in any war. These they count to be Hicks, Baker, Stewart, Earle, and now Gordon—and the Mahdi’s terms will be correspondingly high. Still, Jemal-ed-Din says distinctly that peace can be made if the English are willing, _first_, to abandon the Soudan, _second_, to hand over Suakin to the Sultan, _third_, to use their good offices to get the Italians out of Massowa, and _fourth_, to arrange with the Sultan for the establishment of Mohammedan Government in Egypt. The recall of Arabi would much facilitate matters, but any popular Government in Egypt could be on friendly terms with Mohammed Ahmed. With regard to the method of treating, Jemal-ed-Din says it is essential that the English Government should make the first move. The Mahdi could not under present circumstances send an Embassy to England, or even appoint him (Jemal-ed- Din) his _wakil_ for that purpose. The Embassy must be sent by England, and all he can do is to forward it to its destination and recommend it as a _bona fide_ mission. I asked him about Gordon’s bible, which Mrs. Allnatt has been very anxious I should try and get back; but Jemal-ed- Din declines to hold out hopes of its restoration until peace is made. I begged him, however, to try to obtain it, as if he succeeded it would be a great proof to our Government of his power. There was an article on Jemal-ed-Din in yesterday’s ‘Times,’ which is correct as far as it goes, but Jemal-ed-Din is angry at their having left out all that he said against Ismaïl Pasha and Prince Hassan’s appointment to the Soudan.

“Had a long talk at the Embassy with Bungo Herbert[106] on the Mahdi question, but I don’t know that it will do any good, as Lord Lyons they say has left off expressing any opinion on Egyptian affairs, as his advice has never been taken. Herbert is his private secretary now, Sheffield being away.

“_26th Feb._—Jemal-ed-Din and Sanua to breakfast. I read them my letter to the Sultan, which they highly approve of. About Afghanistan, Jemal- ed-Din assured me that the talk of a quarrel between Russia and the Amir was all nonsense; that the quarrel, whenever it came off, would be against us; that the Amir would give free passage to Russia for the invasion of India, but neither were ready yet for this.

“There is a telegram in the papers that the Nizam has offered troops for the Soudan, and at this, too, he laughed. He said they always offered troops, as they knew they would not be accepted. When Sanua was gone he told me privately that he had thought over my proposals of negotiations with the Mahdi, and was sure it could be done. But he would have nothing to do with it unless the English Government would show its sincerity by employing me or someone else he could trust to represent them. Then he would introduce the mission, which must also be accompanied by a Mohammedan, to a man of high station in Egypt who was in a position to speak as to terms. He himself was not in such position, and he could do no more than indicate the way to others who would give the necessary introductions and safe-conducts to the English agent. It must, however, be distinctly arranged beforehand that the English Government should engage itself to protect the persons through whose agency the negotiations should be carried on. They must not be allowed to suffer at the hands of the Khedive. He was of opinion that not only a peace might be made, but also a treaty of commerce, and perhaps even a slave trade convention—the latter to the extent of guaranteeing the Abyssinians from slave raids inasmuch as these were illegal. He declined, however, to enter into communication with any English official on the subject until I should be first convinced that their intentions were serious, and that the protection was guaranteed to the Mahdi’s _wakils_. I am well satisfied with this view of the case, and all the more so from finding Jemal-ed-Din so cautious in his promises. He does not think it would be judicious to apply for Gordon’s bible just now.

“Gladstone to-day recants his declaration of abandoning the Soudan. But all this debate is selling the bear’s skin before it is killed. My opinion is that the Berber railroad will never be made, except perhaps a few miles of it, and that as soon as the Nile rises Wolseley will run for it down the river to Egypt.

“_27th Feb._—Hassan Fehmy’s mission it seems is to be recalled, the fall of Khartoum having altered the situation. Prince Halim writes again, but this time not about politics, asking me to get him a pair of horses for the Sultan to drive. In his letter the other day he mentions having delivered my letter to His Majesty. The horses must be above all things ‘very quiet,’ as the Sultan wishes to drive them himself.

“Saw Lady Gregory, and had breakfast at the Blounts.[107] Afterwards to call on Lesseps, but he was not at home. Then to the Embassy, where I found Walsham, Herbert, Leigh, and another, and talked nonsense with them for an hour in the Chancery as in old days—also old Atlee, a relic of the past. Malet is dining to-night at the Embassy. I am dining with the Wagrams.

“_28th Feb._—Came over to London by the tidal train and went at once to see Button. The Government have escaped the Vote of Censure again by the skin of their teeth—a majority of fourteen only. Button was in the House to the end, and he says the Old Man was quite overcome when the result was announced. This is the only thing in the world that can make him feel. The most hideous failure abroad, war with every nation, India in revolt, the Empire breaking up, the colonies lost—all these things could not touch him or make him sleep a wink less sound. But an adverse vote in the House—that was a very much more serious thing. It is a defeat he is able to understand. It will be the end of him, though Button thinks he will not immediately resign. The debate, he says, was in its latter part of a high order. The first two days the Opposition made nothing of it, and Northcote was miserably weak, and John Morley a mere opportunist, but Goschen’s speech was the turning point, and from that point it was brilliant. By far the best defence, curious to say, of the Government was made by Lord Derby in the House of Lords. It was Harcourt who did most damage to them, as he was put up on Thursday to explain their explanations, and did so entirely on peace principles. But this was probably arranged, as Dilke and Hartington followed suit. The great question is—will they resign? We discussed the probabilities of a new Cabinet, and agreed that Lytton ought to have a seat at one of the administrative departments. Button says public opinion would hardly stand him at the Foreign Office or India Office, though I am of opinion that for the former he is just the man. Churchill will have the India Office, he says; possibly Hicks Beach the Foreign Office; Lytton more likely the Admiralty. But I rather doubt his taking office at all. The Ministry will, however, not resign till the Vote of Supply, when they will be beaten again.

“_1st March._—To the Carlton, where I saw Drummond Wolff. He has put a question about my peace negotiations last year, and drew an answer from the Grand Old Man which seems to have been very mixed. Mr. Gladstone excused himself for having refused to see me at Hawarden on the ground that I ‘should have had him there at my mercy.’ There is more truth in this than he perhaps meant.

“_2nd March._—To Button’s, who told me all that had happened on Saturday at the Cabinet Council. It appears that, Granville having explained that it was absolutely impossible for him to get on any longer with Bismarck, and in view of the other complications, all the Cabinet but two had been in favour of resignation. Mr. Gladstone had quite made up his mind to this, but Spencer and Trevelyan explained that if they resigned now Lord Salisbury would dissolve Parliament, and that Parnell would then have his seventy Home Rule members, and the result would be a revolt in Ireland; this was the true reason of the Government’s decision to stay in office. The only thing that does not sound credible in the account is that it represents the Ministry as having sacrificed party interest for duty to the country. But it is perhaps easier patriotically to stay in office than patriotically to resign. The thing moreover cannot last long, and it will only end by their being kicked out on the Vote of Supply. It is thought, however, that if Salisbury found himself with a majority only of one he would carry on the Government without dissolving. Stead has been persuaded by Dilke not to publish Gordon’s letters to me. The Government are helping now to get up a memorial to Gordon and it would not do to publish his private ideas about them.

“_3rd March._—Went down to the India Office, where I had a talk with Godley about an attack made on me by Lepel Griffin in connection with my visit to India. He begged me to give him an account of my offer of negotiation made last year to Gladstone. He said: ‘You know I have for three years past disapproved of the course that has been taken in Egypt.’ Nobody knows better than Godley how easily Mr. Gladstone might have prevented the whole thing if he had listened to me.

“Lady C. tells me that the Prince of Wales is going over to Ireland, as I understand her, on a mission of pacification. I fancy the idea is to settle the Irish question eventually on the lines of the Austro- Hungarian settlement; and the idea might work. I don’t suppose the Parnellites have any grudge against the Crown, though they have against the Castle, certainly not against the Prince of Wales. But we shall see.

“Dined at the Carlton next to Jem Lowther, and talked about Egypt and the Soudan. It is astonishing what crude ideas these Tory leaders have. People are not wrong in calling them the stupid Party. If I can get into Parliament I may be able to help them to new notions on Foreign politics.

“_4th March._—Refused Escott and Bunting and Alfred Austin to write articles for them respectively in the ‘Fortnightly,’ ‘Contemporary,’ and ‘National Reviews,’ on the Mahdi. I think it best not to write on current politics in monthly magazines. These magazines are beginning to get past their best day as organs of publicity. There are too many of them, and nobody reads them.

“The Wentworths came to dinner, and we went on with them to a meeting in Westminster Town Hall. It was poorly attended, but the speeches were decidedly good. Wentworth spoke with something approaching to eloquence, and Harrison made a really admirable oration. My own speech was descriptive of the Mahdi and Gordon’s mission. It was well received. The meeting then was invaded by some Socialists and became very noisy. I confess my sympathies are with them, as they speak the truth, however brutally, about governments and financiers. I have been asked to repeat my speech as a lecture at Cambridge. It was as usual quite different from the speech I had prepared.

“Met Edward Malet to-day in St. James’s Park. We nodded.

“_5th March._—Button says about the Soudan expedition that Wolseley would have to come home, first, on account of his eyes, which were suffering, and they could not afford that he should go blind, as he does all the work at the Horse Guards, even now that he is in the Soudan, telegraphing instructions daily—and, secondly, in view of war complications. The expedition is breaking up rapidly, and it will be as I said, not a regiment will remain south of Wady Halfa by midsummer’s day.

“Labouchere, on whom I called, tells me the same story. He had it from one of the Government that there was no intention at all to make the railway to Berber. They would make it a few miles out from Suakin, perhaps to a hill station. But even that I doubt. We discussed the subject of the negotiations, about which he had written to me. His idea was that I might send the Mahdi a message from the Radical Party, advising him to send an agent to propose peace, and asking him what terms he would accept. But I told him this would never do. The Mahdi would require to be acknowledged, and would only treat with the Government. All they could expect of him was that the two plenipotentiaries should meet in Egypt. He said the difficulty was, that to do so would be to snub Baring and Wolseley. We finally agreed that I should once more write to Mr. Gladstone, and place a renewal of my offer on record. This I must do before the 20th, when new battles are expected with Osman Digna. I look, however, on the Mahdi as quite safe now, with the summer before him, and the certain change of public opinion here and foreign complications for our arms elsewhere.

“_6th March._—Bismarck seems to be interfering once more as honest broker, and has sent his son Herbert to London; and I notice at the same time that the telegrams announce Hassan Fehmy as instructed to use stiffer language to Lord Granville. He is to say that the English explanations are vague and unsatisfactory. They are at their wits’ ends at the Foreign Office to know what to do. But their first step will be to recall Wolseley and his army to Cairo.

“_7th March._—To see Stanley. He has heard that Bismarck has promised Granville to use his good offices with Russia to prevent any further advance on the Afghan frontier. Talked the same matter over with Button, who is very full of the subject, and who gave me a full account of the position as it has been told him—in the greatest secrecy. It appears that Bismarck has recently come forward ostensibly to make peace. This is always the avowed motive of his interventions, but his offers generally cover some objects of his own. In the present instance he wants Zanzibar, and Button has it on his ‘best authority’ that in a very short time the Zanzibar question will be brought forward. The Sultan of Zanzibar has long wished the English Government to guarantee his son’s succession to the throne, but we have refused, and now he is appealing to Bismarck. There is therefore likely to be question of a German protectorate, and its declaration will coincide with claims by Germany to other places on the East Coast of Africa. Bismarck’s mode of action with Lord Granville is to bully him through Malet, for whom he professes the greatest possible affection, and whom he charges with his explosives to hurl at Granville’s head. Granville replies, not through Malet, but through the German Ambassador. Malet is not thought man enough to beard the lion, though they are pleased with him for the information he gives them. He is in fact very much in the position of a ‘Times’ correspondent at Berlin, obliged to make himself agreeable as a condition of his receiving news.

“Herbert Bismarck’s mission was suggested at New Court [the Rothschilds’ house of business in the City] and carried out through Rosebery, who is Rothschild’s representative in the Cabinet. At first it was proposed by the Jews that some one should be sent from London to Berlin, but failing this they suggested Herbert Bismarck’s visit. The Rothschilds are very anxious that German influence should predominate as they see in it a guarantee for England’s remaining in Egypt, and Granville seems to have given in to the idea, as this morning there is published an abject apology he made last night in the House of Lords. Button thinks very likely Bismarck may have promised his good offices with Russia, but does not think they are sincere, and his real object is Zanzibar and the East Coast of Africa. On the other hand the Foreign Office, as apart from Lord Granville, is for a renewal of the Anglo-Franco-Turco Alliance of 1854, with a self-denying clause regarding Egypt. This would enable us to evacuate Egypt without the fear of French occupation succeeding ours. They would also mutually oppose Germany’s arrangement with Zanzibar. I am not sure that this would not be the best solution of the difficulty. I told him in return about Bismarck’s old scheme of renewing claims to the Dutch Colonies. [This refers to a principle of German policy, the details of which I had learned as long before as the late autumn of 1866, when I was staying with Count d’Usedom, then Prussian Envoy at Florence, at the Villa Capponi outside that city. Usedom was a man of great enlightenment, and had been the trusted friend of the old King Frederick William in his Liberal days, and the chief of Bismarck’s rivals, being especially obnoxious to him on account of his English or rather Scotch wife, Olympia Malcolm, and his suspected Anglomania. I was very intimate with both of them, and as they were both very indiscreet I got to know a great deal of the inner designs of Prussian diplomacy, making, however, no use at all of my knowledge. Amongst other things that Usedom told me was this, that it was a settled plan at Berlin to bring about, in connection with the proposed revival of the German Empire, also a union with Holland, when Germany, having become a maritime power, would reassert against England, on Holland’s behalf, a claim to the old Dutch Colonies.]

“We then talked about the Afghan complication. He said the whole difficulty came from an absurd habit the Foreign Office had of asking a great deal more than they were willing to take. This place, Penjdeh, was outside the real boundary of Afghanistan, but the Foreign Office had asked for it meaning to yield it later as a concession. But the Russians in the meanwhile had seized it, and the concession was rendered ten times more difficult. Button has it (but he made me promise not to repeat it as he was not even to allude to it in the ‘Times’) from a certain source that in view of possible accidents, or at the Amir’s request, Lumsden has received orders to occupy Herat and put it in a state of defence. I told him, however, that the Russians did not really mean war, certainly not war with the Amir, but were making a demonstration in order to detach the Amir from our alliance. This incident will not lead to war.

“In the afternoon attended a deputation to Lord Ripon given by the Indians resident in London. Anne was seated on the daïs next Lord Ripon. The noble Lord made a humbugging speech in which he praised the Nizam for offering to send troops against the Soudanese. He is already corrupted by association with his Whig friends in office. Lady Ripon has asked us to her party next week.

“_8th March._—Down to Crabbet, marking trees in Heathy Ground and Burley’s Wood, and laying out a new gallop in the Upper Park. This has been a quiet day, and has done me good, for the excitement of the last week has made my heart ache. We went to see Pompey, who is very ill and cannot last long now. His illness gives him a dignity which is touching, and which I hope we may all have before we die. [Pompey was my black servant who had been with me for eighteen years.]

“_9th March._—To London, and called on Lady A., whose son now I hope is safe, at least for the present, as the Buller Division is on its way back to Korti. I did not like to call on her before.

“_10th March._—Leonard Courtney[108] writes proposing that I should breakfast with him on Thursday, to talk over possible negotiations with the Mahdi. From all I hear, the Government are ready to jump at any possible arrangement, so it is through anybody else but me. Called on Button, who says war is nearly certain with Russia. But I cannot bring myself to think Russia means to quarrel with the Amir—with us very likely, but not with him. I expect it will blow over. Button advises me to call on Staal.

“_11th March._—Saw Hobart at his club. He tells me the Sultan has telegraphed to him expressly forbidding him to do anything about sending troops against the Mahdi. He wanted to know whether the Mahdi was really opposed to the Sultan, and I satisfied him on that point, and we agreed to act together in any negotiation of peace that might be arranged.

“_12th March._—Had a long talk at the Russian Embassy with Staal, for whom I have a great affection. We talked the whole political situation over, on my part very frankly, and I told him he must not expect a revolt in India. He of course deplored the prospect of war, which he seemed to think imminent, though I do not. I told him all about the Egyptian War and the Mahdi and Gordon, and the absurdities of our Ministers. He described having been at Walmer, and how he had found Lord Granville surrounded by dispatch boxes, tied up with different coloured string, according as they were pressing or not; the very immediately pressing were tied up with red tape. A proof that the Czar does not mean war is that the Emperor of Germany has written to him asking him to preserve peace, which he certainly would not have done unless he knew the Czar to be willing. For my own purposes I should like there to be a war with Russia, or at least an alarming demonstration. But my conversation with Staal will not have had an otherwise than deterring effect. I told him very plainly that England meant fighting. Nélidof, he said, had been very nearly recalled from Constantinople, but had now been sent back there with renewed favour.

“Breakfasted with Leonard Courtney at 15, Cheyne Walk, and discussed with him and his wife the prospects of negotiating with the Mahdi. I had brought with me the draft of a new letter I was proposing to write to Gladstone. He said it was not definite enough, and urged me to recast it, stating the exact terms which I thought might be accepted as a basis of negotiation. We also talked over the whole situation and the relations of the Mahdi with the Sultan, with the National party in Egypt, and with the Mohammedans of India. His wife is a nice woman and more enthusiastic than he is, and at leaving I urged her to use her influence with him to keep him up to the mark. These Parliament people are absurdly pusillanimous, and though Courtney is the boldest of them he is only half-hearted to speak his mind. Button tells me that he used for years to be on the staff of the ‘Times,’ having only left them when he took office three or four years ago. He was considered one of their very smartest leader writers, but of very dictatorial ways. He is evidently a very able man. When I came home I re-wrote my letter to Gladstone in the sense agreed upon, and, saying _bismillah_, sent it in.[109] In my covering note to Eddy, I said: ‘The fate of several empires depends upon the reception it receives’—the Russian, the Turkish, the Mahdi’s, and our own—also it is the ‘Ides of March.’

“To a party at Mrs. Earle’s and had some talk with Lytton. He is bringing out his novel in verse, ‘Glenaveril.’ It is to come out in parts, published by Murray.

“_13th March._—The Gregorys are back from Paris. He approves of my letter to Gladstone. Then to Labouchere, who tells me the Government are dying to get out of their Soudan campaign. They decided on going to Khartoum in the first excitement of their disappointment about relieving Gordon, and hardly knowing whether he was dead or alive, and they have ever since been repenting. Lately they have been hoping to get out of the Suakin campaign by some pretext of sending on the troops to Afghanistan instead, but they can’t quite get up a case for it. They have never intended making the Berber railway, but only a few miles of it, as far, perhaps, as Sinkat. Now Osman Digna is stronger than ever, and insists upon making raids on Suakin.

“_14th March._—Lady Gregory came to tea, and afterwards I walked home with her. On my return I found an answer from Downing Street. Eddy writes that ‘Mr. Gladstone is obliged to me for my letter, but why does not the Mahdi send a representative to England?’ This looks more like business than I had expected.

“Dined with Professor Hunter and half a dozen Radicals at the Reform Club, where it was proposed to me to make a tour of lectures in Scotland. Hunter engaged to get me good audiences at Aberdeen, Edinburgh, Glasgow, and other places. There was also much talk about my going into Parliament with them, but my connection with the Carlton Club naturally stands in my way.

“_15th March._—Zebehr has been arrested at Alexandria by Wolseley’s order, just as Button told me he would be six months ago. This is really too bad.

“The Prince of Wales is going to Berlin to try and effect a reconciliation with Bismarck. He considers war with Russia inevitable, ‘and a damned good thing too.’ At least such is Lady C.’s account of what he told her. He had also said that Wolseley was to come back from Korti, and that the Soudan campaign would come to a natural end in a very short time. He was all for making peace with the Mahdi.

“_16th March._—To Button, who confirms this news.

“_17th March._—An idle day at Crabbet, except that I attended my neighbour Sir Curtis Lampson’s funeral. He was always an excellent neighbour to me, and I sincerely regret him, as I believe most do. I met the funeral just as it was coming through the Rowfant covers, where I have so often shot with him. He was a very good sportsman, and, though seventy-nine, held his gun remarkably straight to the end. He was an American, a member of the Hudson Bay Company, and bought the Rowfant estate from the Bethunes some forty years ago to breed silver rabbits on for his firm. He was made a Baronet in connection with the Atlantic Cable and the Peabody Trust, whose executor he was. R.I.P.

“_20th March._—The Mudir of Dongola has been joined by the Kababish and Shaghiyeh tribes, and is going to attack Berber. This is the last we shall hear of him as Wolseley’s ally, but they are such geese they suspect nothing. Ibrahim Bey told me a week ago: ‘You will see that in about ten days the Mudir of Dongola will go over openly to the Mahdi.’ He thought Zebehr’s arrest a stupid move, as he was not really a friend of the Mahdi’s.

“_22nd March._—Eddy Hamilton writes, giving a message from Mr. Gladstone, to the effect that, ‘If it is thought the Mahdi is not aware of the instructions to Wolseley about receiving offers of peace, it might possibly be arranged that the Arab gentleman should be passed through the British lines.’ This in answer to a question made on the sixteenth as to whether he would facilitate Ibrahim’s going to Khartoum to arrange a mission of peace from the Mahdi.

“The ‘Observer’ announces severe fighting, and that Graham has retired to Souakin.

“_23rd March._—To Courtney, to try to get him to take a lead against the Soudan war, but he said he had left the Ministry too short a time to do this. He thought Morley was the man for it.

“At five to Mrs. Howard. She is of opinion that they mean to treat, and treat through me, but of course want it to be supposed the desire is all on the Mahdi’s side. She has seen Leveson, Lord Granville’s brother, who is decidedly for getting out of the Soudan. So I believe is everybody. George, however, is all for war; he means to leave Parliament after this Session. There was news of another battle this morning, in which the English forces were surprised by Osman Digna.

“_24th March._—The fighting of yesterday has been a very serious affair, and I think settles Graham’s campaign at Suakin, not on account of the proof it has given of the courage, skill, and numbers of the Arabs so much as on account of the destruction of the camels, and especially of the camel drivers. No native will now dare go outside Suakin, and the English soldiers will be left to shift for themselves. Whatever else they can do, they certainly cannot manage camels without help. This will stop Graham just as it stopped Wolseley.

“Button, whom I saw to-day in the City, tells me they certainly will send me to treat with the Mahdi. Matters, he says, stand in this way: the Government has sent in an ultimatum to Russia on the Afghan boundary question, and the answer will be given in four or five days—Button thinks it will be refused—and then the Government has made up its mind to clear straight out of the Soudan, and even out of Lower Egypt, except Alexandria, handing over Cairo to the Sultan who will send troops in. In return for this the Sultan will open the Dardanelles and Bosphorus to the British Fleet, which will attack Batoum, with the idea of advancing to Baku and so cut off the Caspian communications. This, however, would not be at once, the campaign being commenced in Afghanistan. They are ready to fight Russia, if necessary, for three years. The chief difficulty will be to prevent Austria from advancing on Salonica; but it has been ascertained that Bismarck will use all his influence to localize the war and prevent Austria from taking part in it. Bismarck is not ready for a solution of the Ottoman question. They will then be only too happy to employ me in making peace with the Mahdi, and my employment would now, Button says, be a popular thing, and it would not much matter whether I succeeded or not. At the end of the summer, having evacuated the Soudan, it would be out of the question their going back there. Only will Russia fight? I doubt it.

“Ibrahim has explained to us Zebehr’s position. The real reason of his arrest, he said, was not so much that he had corresponded with the Mahdi, as his connection with the Senoussis. He has latterly been very intimate with Ibrahim el Senoussi, Senoussi’s relative and agent at Alexandria, and in conjunction with Huseyn Pasha, the Tunisian, he has been engaged in working upon the Senoussi brotherhood to get them to join the Mahdi, and in his name to attack the French in Tunis. Ibrahim Bey says, though he naturally sympathizes with Zebehr, it is nevertheless just as well that this plan has been stopped, as the result would have been to bring about a community of interests between the French and English in smashing the Mahdi.

“_25th March._—It appears that our troops lost over three hundred men on Sunday, besides seven hundred camels and a number of mules and horses, and one hundred and fifty camp followers. Osman Digna is wielding the sword of the Lord this time in earnest, and if there is a God in Heaven he will prevail against the hosts of Mammon.

“Hunted from Barcombe, and had the best run of the season from a wood north of the Chailey brook to Lewes race-course without a check. There the fox was headed, and it took us another twenty minutes to kill him in a gorse cover; I was riding Queen of Sheba, and, though I did not get a very good start, I was first up at the check. There was some good fencing which the mare did admirably, including one very stiff timber jump with ditch beyond, which she raced over. Up the hills she passed them all but four or five, and once on top of the down she had no difficulty in going quite to the front; Anne on Dahma was also well up.

“When we came home we heard that Pompey was dying. Thus is pleasure mingled with grief; Pompey has been nearly eighteen years in my service. He was an admirable servant.

“_26th March._—There are signs of the Suakin campaign being near an end, and I feel certain another month will see the whole thing abandoned. This will be the greatest victory of the Faith since the siege of Vienna. Arabi writes very _à propos_ about the weak things of the world confounding the strong, and the triumph of justice in the Soudan.[110]

“To London and lunched with the Howards and sat on talking politics. George is all for war, but he thinks that Lorne, whom he had just been with, would willingly put himself forward in an agitation for peace, and Mrs. Howard will approach him to that effect. Then I walked down with George to the House of Commons to hear Gladstone make his statement about the Egyptian Finance Convention. This he did so lamely and tamely that I went to sleep over it, as I observed others also did.

“Halim Pasha has written to Ibrahim to say that Ismaïl Jowdat, on his arrival at Constantinople, was met by a message that he was to come to the Palace. There he was kept twelve days and made to draw up a report of everything he had seen, heard, or done while in London, and then was sent home and kept there under arrest. Such is the Sultan’s way.

“Dined at Sydney Buxton’s,[111] where I sat next Mrs. Courtney. She talked about her work in the east of London, and said she had succeeded because she had no system. She did not seem clear that it was possible to improve the condition of the lowest class of people by anything but individual effort. She thought education might help them to help themselves; wasn’t sure whether teatotalism was a good thing. To me all these matters are absolutely hopeless; system has interfered with the natural law of society, and unnatural misery is the result. Mrs. Buxton, on the other side of me, told me a story of Hartington having lately written to a friend to say he could not make out why they were fighting the Mahdi, as he, the Mahdi, seemed to be the only man who was carrying out the policy of Her Majesty’s Ministers. Francis Buxton was there, and we talked about Dilke’s connection with the Joint Note of January, 1882, and he cited, _à propos_ of it, a conversation he had had with Dilke at the end of the previous year. He had told Dilke that the Liberal party would never consent to the annexation of Egypt; to which Dilke had replied that Egypt might be annexed without calling it at all by that name. There is no doubt he played all through for annexation.

“_27th March._—Gave Wheeler a translation of Arabi’s letter; I think its publication will do good. Dined at Mrs. Charles Buxton’s, and had some talk with Lord Chancellor Selborne. He was ready to admit they ought never to have gone into Egypt, but thought them bound now to stay and repair the wrong done. I told him, certainly, they had wounded the man, and must now take care he was not left to be robbed by every passer-by. This _à propos_ of the Financial Convention being debated to-night.

“_28th March._—To Button, who showed me a letter he had just got from Wolseley, dated ‘Camp Korti, March 2,’ narrating his vexation at being forty-eight hours too late to save Gordon, and his anger with Mr. Gladstone. He then recounted how his plan had been upset by Burnaby’s death. He had intended Burnaby to succeed Stewart if anything happened to Stewart, and had told him his plan, but both of them got killed; and the rest of ‘our London captains,’ Wolseley said, were good for nothing to take command of the expedition, so the whole thing had broken down. History, he said, would judge where the fault lay. He was evidently sorry for himself and down on his luck. Button tells me it was all in reality Wilson’s fault, as he wasted three days bombarding Metemmeh and Shendy; also he ought certainly to have sent in a man with the flag of truce offered him by the Mahdi. But Wolseley did not mention Wilson’s name in the letter I saw. Button said he wished he could show me one Wolseley had written to Gordon about the Government. Wolseley was very angry now with them all. Button considers the campaign over. They can’t possibly get further than Tamaï, and war with Russia is almost certain.

“On to Stanley, whom I found in bed, and gave him the news; and then to Hassan Fehmy, who did not seem aware of all that was happening. But when I explained he was of course delighted. ‘When we get the Ottoman troops to Cairo,’ he said, ‘it will be time to proclaim the Mahdi a rebel, but we have refused to have anything to do with it from Constantinople. That would not have looked well, and one should never threaten unless one can execute. We will put down the Mahdi when we are at Cairo.’ This was not of course my idea, but I left him to his plans, feeling quite sure the Mahdi would be able to take care of himself.

“_30th March._—A letter has come from Downing Street in explanation of the offer already made, and I have sent my answer to Eddy. Went to bury Pompey at Crawley and then to London, and heard Hartington announce the news of a peaceful character from Russia. This is unfortunate for our plans.

“_31st March._—Eddy now writes that Mr. Gladstone has left London for Easter, and so it is impossible I should see him—he is really at Brighton—and proposes to communicate the substance of my last letter to Hartington, his _locum tenens_.

“Hunting again, a wonderful scent. The fox took us from Danny to the top of the hill near the Wind Mills, and along the edge of the downs to the Dyke, a very severe run, as we went up and down the downs fairly three times, the last pull up the Dyke Hill stopped every horse but Queen of Sheba and a thoroughbred carrying eleven stone and Payne the huntsman. Rode into Brighton and so up to London in time to dine at the Howards. William Morris was there in morning dress, for he eschews tail coats, and did most of the talking on his own special subjects—socialism, the evil of capital, and the rest. This he does excellently well. Mrs. Howard advises me strongly to see Hartington if I get the chance. He is quite honest, she says, being a Cavendish, and no Cavendish was ever able to lie. Humph!

“_1st April._—Button promises to find out Hartington’s ideas about peace from Brett, in case I hear any more from him.

“Lunched at the Carlton, in the vicinity of members of the Fourth Party. Wolff tells me that Randolph is expected home on Tuesday.

“_2nd April._—Went to see Lord Lorne at Kensington Palace. I find him very pleasant, and sufficiently intelligent about Egyptian affairs, and we talked for an hour. My object was to get him to take the lead in demonstrations against the Soudan war, but I could not get him to promise anything definite. He is going to stand for a Metropolitan Borough, however, and says he will lose no occasion to oppose the war in his electioneering. This kept me so late that I almost missed my train for Birmingham, where I had to attend a meeting on the same subject. But I just hit it off, made my speech, and was back in London by midnight.

“_3rd April._—A letter came yesterday, while I was away, from Downing Street, and I went to ask Button’s advice about it. It said that the policy of the Government was one of freedom for the Soudan, and I was inclined to take it as a mere phrase, but Button strongly advised me to accept it in all seriousness, so as to pin the Government down to their declaration, and dispatch Ibrahim to carry the news to the Mahdi. So I have written my answer in Button’s sense, and shall go to Paris to- morrow to set things going. _Bismillah!_

“To-day being a Bank Holiday, Button and I, like two clerks, rode out to Putney and Coombe and back again. The day was fine and enjoyable. We are expecting a great battle to be fought to-day at Tamaï.

“_4th April._—Osman Digna has made an April fool of Graham, who marched his whole army of twelve thousand men ‘to the top of the hill,’ and then found no enemy, and marched them down again. They will have to evacuate Suakin without a victory. This is just what we most want.

“To Paris by the tidal train, and travelled as far as Dover with Lord Lorne and his sister (Lady Constance Campbell), who are also going abroad. We talked on many subjects besides Egypt, such as the Crofter question in Scotland, the Land question in England, Riel’s revolt in Canada, and the Irish question. Lord Lorne was very sympathetic on Eastern matters, advising me only not to mix up Arabi with the Soudan peace agitation.

“I forgot to say that Button told me yesterday that the Russian answer about the Afghan frontier is, after all, far from satisfactory. Dufferin has been given _carte blanche_ to treat with the Amir, who demands a guarantee for his dynasty, as well as for his dominions.

“Dined at the Hotel Wagram with Jemal-ed-Din, to whom I read the whole of my correspondence with Downing Street. He approved the line taken, but insists that the English Government must write a letter to the Mahdi for Ibrahim to carry. He will think the matter over, however, and decide in a day or two. There is no hurry just now, as the Mahdi can much better afford to wait than Mr. Gladstone.

“_5th April, Easter Sunday._—Breakfast with Bitters in the Rue Mazarine, and in the afternoon coming home I stopped at the Embassy and had a talk with Sheffield, who was communicative as usual. Among other things, he told me that Gladstone had been very much in favour of having the Turkish Pashas in Egypt made to pay up the arrears of taxation. But Baring and Northbrook had persuaded him that government would be impossible if they offended these gentry, so they have gone on screwing the money out of the fellahin, and have raised this ridiculous joint loan.

“_6th April._—Breakfasted again with Bitters and Godfrey Webb. The French have been without a Ministry for the last week, but to-day Monsieur Brisson has formed one; I know too little about French politics to guess what it portends. Everybody, however, is very angry with Ferry, the late minister, on account of the Tonquin defeats. The lesson given to Ferry will not be lost on Gladstone, and will be in favour of peace in Africa.

“_7th April._—Jemal-ed-Din and Sanua breakfasted with me.

“_8th April._—Breakfasted once more with Bitters, and once more to the Jeu de paume, where there was a great gathering: old Villeplaine, Brinquant, O’Connor, and the Henneseys, besides Elcho, Arthur Balfour, and Bungo Herbert. The Elchos are at the Hotel Mirabeau with Godfrey Webb and the Miss Tennants, Laura and Margot.

“_9th April._—Breakfasted with the Wagrams. They say peace has been arranged between France and China. Then to the Hotel Mirabeau. Arthur Balfour was there, and we talked about the Afghan and Soudan questions, and while we were talking Elcho came in, having been at the Embassy and having heard there of the Battle of Penjdeh. We all agreed that this means war. The newspaper boys on the Boulevard were calling out this evening, ‘Guerre Russo-Anglaise—grande Victoire Russe.’

“_13th April._—Jemal-ed-Din came early, and I read him a new and unsatisfactory letter I received last night from Downing Street. He insists that the Government must write a letter to the Mahdi if they want him to treat; and he says he will come over to England if necessary to arrange about it, if only I will guarantee his not being arrested there. I told him there was no danger of arrest, but his experience in India has made him suspicious of the English Government. He says there is no reason whatever now that Arabi should not come back to Egypt if the opportunity offered of a reconciliation with Tewfik. Tewfik is so feeble and discredited as to be no longer dangerous, and Arabi would rapidly regain all his lost influence.

“Back by the tidal train to England.”

N.B.—My correspondence with 10, Downing Street of this date will be found in Appendix C, and is worth reading. It would have been still possible that spring to arrange terms of peace directly with the Mahdi, who was not the impracticable personage he has been represented to be by our official historians. Under his successor, the Khalifa Abdullah el Taïshi, all negotiation became much more difficult. But, unfortunately for both Egypt and the Soudan, the opportunity was let slip and became final through the Mahdi’s death in July. It was probably Lord Cromer’s influence, as in the previous year, that decided it.