The members of the new Congress were so laggard in coming together that it was the 6th of April, 1789, before both Houses could count a quorum, though the 4th of March had been appointed the day for their convening. Their first business was the opening and counting of the electoral votes; and on the 7th Charles Thomson, the faithful and sedulous gentleman who had been clerk of every congress since that first one in the old colonial days fifteen years ago, got away on his long ride to Mount Vernon to notify Washington of his election. Affairs waited upon the issue of his errand. Washington had for long known what was coming, and was ready and resolute, as of old. There had been no formal nominations for the presidency, and the votes of the electors had lain under seal till the new Congress met and found a quorum; but it was an open secret who had been chosen President, and Washington had made up his mind what to do. Mr. Thomson reached Mount Vernon on the 14th, and found Washington ready to obey his summons at once. He waited only for a hasty ride to Fredericksburg to bid his aged mother farewell. She was not tender in the parting. Her last days had come, and she had set herself to bear with grim resolution the fatal disease that had long been upon her. She had never been tender, and these latter days had added their touch of hardness. But it was a tonic to her son to take her farewell, none the less; to hear her once more bid him God-speed, and once more command him, as she did, to his duty. On the morning of the 16th he took the northern road again, as so often before, and pressed forward on the way for New York.

The setting out was made with a very heavy heart; for duty had never seemed to him so unattractive as it seemed now, and his diffidence had never been so distressing. “For myself the delay may be compared to a reprieve,” he had written to Knox, when he learned how slow Congress was in coming together, “for in confidence I tell you that my movements to the chair of government will be accompanied by feelings not unlike those of a culprit who is going to the place of execution.” When the day for his departure came, his diary spoke the same heaviness of heart. “About ten o’clock,” he wrote, “I bade adieu to Mount Vernon, to private life, and to domestic felicity; and, with a mind oppressed with more anxious and painful sensations than I have words to express, set out for New York.” He did not doubt that he was doing right; he doubted his capacity in civil affairs, and loved the sweet retirement and the free life he was leaving behind him. Grief and foreboding did not in the least relax his proud energy and promptness in action. He was not a whit the less resolute to attempt this new rôle, and stretch his powers to the uttermost to play it in masterful fashion. He was only wistful and full of a sort of manly sadness; lacking not resolution, but only alacrity.

He had hoped to the last that he would be suffered

AT MOUNT VERNON, HIS ELECTION TO THE PRESIDENCY]

to spend the rest of his days at Mount Vernon; he knew the place must lack efficient keeping, and fall once more out of repair under hired overseers; he feared his strength would be spent and his last years come ere he could return to look to it and enjoy it himself again. He had but just now been obliged to borrow a round sum of money to meet pressing obligations; and the expenses of this very journey had made it necessary to add a full hundred pounds to the new debt. If the estate brought money so slowly in while he farmed it, he must count upon its doing even less while he was away; and yet he had determined to accept no salary as President, but only his necessary expenses while in the discharge of his official duties, as in the old days of the war. It had brought distressing perplexities upon him to be thus drawn from his private business to serve the nation. Private cares passed off, no doubt, and were forgotten as the journey lengthened. But the other anxiety, how he should succeed in this large business of statesmanship to which he had been called, did not pass off; the incidents of that memorable ride only served to heighten it. When he had ridden to Cambridge that anxious summer of 1775, he had been hailed by cheering crowds upon the way, who admired the fine figure he made, and shouted for the cause he was destined to lead; but he knew himself a soldier then, was but forty-three, and did not fear to find his duty uncongenial. The people had loved him and had thronged about him with looks and words it had quickened his heart to see and hear as he made his way from New York to Annapolis to resign his commission but six years ago; but that was upon the morrow of a task accomplished, and the plaudits he heard upon the way were but greetings to speed him the more happily homeward. Things stood very differently now. Though he felt himself grown old, he had come out to meet a hope he could not share, and it struck a subtle pain to his heart that the people should so trust him--should give him so royal a progress as he fared on his way to attempt an untried task.

No king in days of kings’ divinity could have looked for so heartfelt a welcome to his throne as this modest gentleman got to the office he feared to take. Not only were there civil fête and military parade at every stage of the journey; there was everywhere, besides, a running together from all the country roundabout of people who bore themselves not as mere sight-seers, but as if they had come out of love for the man they were to see pass by. It was not their numbers but their manner that struck their hero with a new sense of responsibility: their earnest gaze, their unpremeditated cries of welcome, their simple joy to see the new government put into the hands of a man they perfectly trusted. He was to be their guarantee of its good faith, of its respect for law and its devotion to liberty; and they made him know their hope and their confidence in the very tone of their greeting. There was the manifest touch of love in the reception everywhere prepared for him. Refined women broke their reserve to greet him in the open road; put their young daughters forward, in their enthusiasm, to strew roses before him in the way; brought tears to his eyes by the very artlessness of their affection. When at last the triumphal journey was ended, the display of every previous stage capped and outdone by the fine pageant of his escort of boats from Newark and of his reception at the ferry stairs in New York, the demonstration seemed almost more than he could bear. “The display of boats which attended and joined us,” he confessed to his diary, “the decorations of the ships, the roar of the cannon, and the loud acclamations of the people which rent the skies as I walked along the streets, filled my mind with sensations as painful as they are pleasant”; for his fears foreboded scenes the opposite of these, when he should have shown himself unable to fulfil the hopes which were the burden of all the present joy.

It was the 27th of April when he reached New York. Notwithstanding his executive fashion of making haste, the rising of the country to bid him God-speed had kept him four days longer on the way than Mr. Thomson had taken to carry the summons to Mount Vernon. Three days more elapsed before Congress had completed its preparations for his inauguration. On the 30th of April, in the presence of a great concourse of people, who first broke into wild cheers at sight of him, and then fell silent again upon the instant to see him so moved, Washington stood face to face with the Chancellor of the State upon the open balcony of the Federal Hall in Wall Street, and took the oath of office. “Do you solemnly swear,” asked Livingston, “that you will faithfully execute the office of President of the United States, and will, to the best of your ability, preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution of the United States?” “I do solemnly swear,” replied Washington, “that I will faithfully execute the office of President of the United States, and will, to the best of my ability, preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution of the United States,” and then, bending to kiss the Bible held before him, bowed his head and said “So help me God!” in tones no man could mistake, so deep was their thrill of feeling. “Long live George Washington, President of the United States!” cried Livingston to the people; and a great shout went up with the booming of the cannon in the narrow streets.

Washington was profoundly moved, and, with all his extraordinary mastery of himself, could not hide his agitation. It was a company of friends, the Senators and Representatives who stood about him within the Senate chamber as he read his address, after the taking of the oath. Some very old friends were there--men who had been with him in the first continental congress, men who had been his intimate correspondents the long years through, men who were now his close confidants and sworn supporters. Not many strangers could crowd into the narrow hall; and it was not mere love of ceremony, but genuine and heartfelt respect, that made the whole company stand while he read. He visibly trembled, nevertheless, as he stood in their presence, strong and steadfast man though he was, “and several times could scarce make out to read”; shifted his manuscript uneasily from hand to hand; gestured with awkward effort; let his voice fall almost inaudible; was every way unlike himself, except for the simple majesty and sincerity that shone in him through it all. His manner but gave emphasis, after all, to the words he was reading. “The magnitude and difficulty of the trust,” he declared, “could not but overwhelm with despondence one who, inheriting inferior endowments from nature, and unpractised in the duties of civil administration, ought to be peculiarly conscious of his own deficiencies”; and no one there could look at him and deem him insincere when he added, “All I dare aver is that it has been my faithful study to collect my duty from a just appreciation of every circumstance by which it might be affected. All I dare hope is that, if in executing this task I have been too much swayed by a grateful remembrance of former instances, or by an affectionate sensibility to this transcendent proof of the confidence of my fellow-citizens, and have thence too little consulted my incapacity as well as disinclination for the weighty and untried cares before me, my error will be palliated by the motives which misled me, and its consequences be judged by my country with some share of the partiality with which they originated.” His hearers knew how near the truth he struck when he said, “The smiles of Heaven can never be expected on a nation that disregards the eternal rules of order and right which Heaven itself has ordained; and the preservation of the sacred fire of liberty, and the destiny of the republican model of government, are justly considered as _deeply_, perhaps as _finally_, staked on the experiment intrusted to the hands of the American people.” It was, no doubt, “a novelty in the history of society to see a great people turn a calm and scrutinizing eye upon itself,” as the people of America had done; “to see it carefully examine the extent of the evil” into which disunion and disorder had brought it; “patiently wait for two years until a remedy was discovered”; and at last voluntarily adopt a new order and government “without having wrung a tear or a drop of blood from mankind.” But Washington knew that the praise deserved for such mastery and self-possession would be short-lived enough if the new government should fail or be discredited. It was the overpowering thought that he himself would be chiefly responsible for its success or failure that shook his nerves as he stood there at the beginning of his task; and no man of right sensibility in that audience failed to like him the better and trust him the more implicitly for his emotion. “It was a very touching scene,” wrote Fisher Ames, of Massachusetts. “It seemed to me an allegory in which virtue was personified as addressing those whom she would make her votaries. Her power over the heart was never greater, and the illustration of her doctrine by her own example was never more perfect.” “I feel how much I shall stand in need of the countenance and aid of every friend to myself, of every friend to the Revolution, and of every lover of good government,” were Washington’s words of appeal to Edward Rutledge, of South Carolina; and he never seemed to his friends more attractive or more noble than now.

The inauguration over, the streets fallen quiet again, the legislative business of the Houses resumed, Washington regained his old self-possession, and turned to master his new duties with a calm thoroughness of purpose which seemed at once to pass into the action of the government itself. Perhaps it was true, as he thought, that he had been no statesman hitherto; though those who had known him would have declared themselves of another mind. He had carried the affairs of the Confederation upon his own shoulders, while the war lasted, after a fashion the men of that time were not likely to forget, so full of energy had he been, so provident and capable upon every point of policy. His letters, too, since the war ended, had shown his correspondents the country over such an appreciation of the present, so sure a forecast of the future, so masculine an understanding

STREETS, NEW YORK]

of what waited to be done and of the means at hand to do it, that they, at least, accounted him their leader in peace no less than in war. But statesmanship hitherto had been only incidental to his duties as a soldier and a citizen. It had been only an accident of the Revolution that he had had himself, oftentimes, to supply the foresight and the capacity in action which the halting congress lacked. He had had no experience at all in actual civil administration. He did not know his own abilities, or realize how rich his experience in affairs had, in fact, been. He went about his new tasks with diffidence, therefore, but with the full-pulsed heartiness, too, of the man who thoroughly trusts himself, for the capacity at any rate of taking pains. Statesmanship was now his duty--his whole duty--and it was his purpose to understand and execute the office of President as he had understood and administered the office of General.

He knew what need there was for caution. This was to be, “in the first instance, in a considerable degree, a government of accommodation as well as a government of laws. Much was to be done by prudence, much by conciliation, much by firmness.” “I walk,” he said, “on untrodden ground. There is scarcely an action the motive of which may not be subjected to a double interpretation. There is scarcely any part of my conduct which may not hereafter be drawn into precedent.” But, though he sought a prudent course, he had no mind to be timid; though he asked advice, he meant to be his own master.

Washington had, no doubt, a more precise understanding of what the new government must be made to mean than any other man living, except, perhaps, Hamilton and Madison, the men whom he most consulted. The Confederation had died in contempt, despised for its want of dignity and power. The new government must deserve and get pre-eminent standing from the first. Its policy must make the States a nation, must stir the people out of their pettiness as colonists and provincials, and give them a national character and spirit. It was not a government only that was to be created, but the definite body of opinion also which should sustain and perfect it. It must be made worth believing in, and the best spirits of the country must be rallied to its support. It was not the question simply of how strong the government should be. Its action must, as Washington said, be mixed of firmness, prudence, and conciliation, if it would win liking and loyalty as well as respect. It must cultivate tact as well as eschew weakness; must win as well as compel obedience. It was of the first consequence to the country, therefore, that the man it had chosen to preside in this delicate business of establishing a government which should be vigorous without being overbearing was a thoroughbred gentleman, whose instincts would carry him a great way towards the solution of many a nice question of conduct. While he waited to be made President he called upon every Senator and Representative then in attendance upon Congress, with the purpose to show them upon how cordial and natural a basis of personal acquaintance he wished, for his part, to see the government conducted; but, the oath of office once taken, he was no longer a simple citizen, as he had been during those two days of waiting; the dignity of the government had come into his keeping with the office. Henceforth he would pay no more calls, accept no invitations. On a day fixed he would receive calls; and he would show himself once a week at Mrs. Washington’s general receptions. He would invite persons of official rank or marked distinction to his table at suitable intervals. There should be no pretence of seclusion, no parade of inaccessibility. The President should be a republican officer, the servant of the people. But he would not be common. It should be known that his office and authority were the first in the land. Every proper outward form of dignity, ceremony, and self-respect should be observed that might tell wholesomely upon the imagination of the people; that might be made to serve as a visible sign, which no man could miss, that there was here no vestige of the old federal authority, at which it had been the fashion to laugh, but a real government, and that the greatest in the land.

It was not that the President was not to be seen by anybody who had the curiosity to wish to see him. Many a fine afternoon he was to be seen walking, an unmistakable figure, upon the Battery, whither all persons of fashion in the town resorted for their daily promenade, his secretaries walking behind him, but otherwise unattended. Better still, he could be seen almost any day on horseback, riding in his noble way through the streets. People drew always aside to give him passage wherever he went, whether he walked or rode; no doubt there was something in his air and bearing which seemed to expect them to do so; but their respect had the alacrity of affection, and he would have borne himself with a like proud figure in his own Virginia. Some thought him stiff, but only the churlish could deem him unrepublican, so evident was it to every candid man that it was not himself but his office he was exalting. His old passion for success was upon him, and he meant that this government of which he had been made the head should have prestige from the first. Count de Moustier, the French Minister to the United States, deeming America, no doubt, a protégé of France, claimed the right to deal directly with the President in person, as if upon terms of familiar privilege, when conducting his diplomatic business; but was checked very promptly. It was not likely a man bred in the proud school of Virginian country gentlemen would miss so obvious a point of etiquette as this. To demand intimacy was to intimate superiority, and Washington’s reply drew from the Count an instant apology. That the United States had every reason to hold France in loyal affection Washington gladly admitted with all stately courtesy; but affection became servility when it lost self-respect, and France must approach the President of the United States as every other country did, through the properly constituted department. “If there are rules of proceeding,” he said, quietly, “which have originated from the wisdom of statesmen, and are sanctioned by the common assent of nations, it would not be prudent for a young state to dispense with them altogether,”--particularly a young state (his thought added) which foreign states had despised and might now try to patronize. These small matters would carry an infinite weight of suggestion with them, as he knew, and every suggestion that proceeded from the President should speak of dignity and independence.

For the first few months of the new government’s life these small matters that marked its temper and its self-respect were of as much consequence as its laws or its efficient organization for the tasks of actual administration.

(After a painting by Edward Savage)]

The country evidently looked to Washington to set the tone and show what manner of government it was to have. Congress, though diligent and purposeful enough, could linger, meanwhile, the whole summer through upon its task of framing the laws necessary for the erection and organization of Departments of State, for Foreign Affairs, of the Treasury, and of War, and the creation of the office of Attorney-General--a simple administrative structure to suffice for the present. In the interval the treasury board of the Confederation and its secretaries of war and foreign affairs were continued in service, and the President found time to digest the business of the several departments preparatory to their reorganization. He sent for all the papers concerning their transactions since the treaty of peace of 1783, and mastered their contents after his own thorough fashion, making copious notes and abstracts as he read.

He had been scarcely six weeks in office when he was stricken with a sharp illness. A malignant tumor in his thigh seemed to his physicians for a time to threaten mortification. It was three weeks before he could take the air again, stretched painfully at length in his coach; even his stalwart strength was slow to rally from the draught made upon it by the disease, and its cure with the knife. There was deep anxiety for a little among those who knew, so likely did it seem that the life of the government was staked upon his life. He himself had looked very calmly into the doctor’s troubled face, and had bidden him tell him the worst with that placid firmness that always came to him in moments of danger. “I am not afraid to die,” he said. “Whether to-night or twenty years hence makes no difference. I know that I am in the hands of a good Providence.” A chain had been stretched across the street in front of the house where he lay, to check the noisy traffic that might have disturbed him more deeply in his fever. But the government had not stood still the while. He had steadily attended to important matters as he could. ’Twas scarcely necessary he should be out of bed and abroad again to make all who handled affairs feel his mastery; and by the time the summer was ended that mastery was founded upon knowledge. He understood the affairs of the new government, as of the old, better than any other man; knew the tasks that waited to be attempted, the questions that waited to be answered, the difficulties that awaited solution, and the means at hand for solving them, with a grasp and thoroughness such as made it impossible henceforth that any man who might be called to serve with him in executive business, of whatever capacity in affairs, should be more than his counsellor. He had made himself once for all head and master of the government.

By the end of September (1789) Congress had completed its work of organization and Washington had drawn his permanent advisers about him. The federal courts, too, had been erected and given definitive jurisdiction. The new government had taken distinct shape, and was ready to digest its business in detail. Washington chose Alexander Hamilton to be Secretary of the Treasury, Henry Knox to be Secretary of War, Thomas Jefferson Secretary of State, and Edmund Randolph Attorney-General--young men all, except Jefferson, and he was but forty-six.

The fate of the government was certain to turn, first of all, upon questions of finance. It was hopeless poverty that had brought the Confederation into deep disgrace; the new government had inherited from it nothing but a great debt; and the first test of character to which the new plan in affairs would be put, whether at home or abroad, was the test of its ability to sustain its financial credit with businesslike thoroughness and statesmanlike wisdom. Alexander Hamilton was only thirty-two years old. He had been a spirited and capable soldier and an astute and eloquent advocate; but he had not had a day’s experience in the administration of a great governmental department, and had never handled--so far as men knew, had never studied--questions of public finance. “Washington chose him, nevertheless, without hesitation, for what must certainly turn out to be the most critical post in his administration. No man saw more clearly than Washington did how large a capacity for statesmanship Hamilton had shown in his masterly papers in advocacy of the Constitution. He had known Hamilton, moreover, through all the quick years that had brought him from precocious youth to wise maturity; had read his letters and felt the singular power that moved in them; and was ready to trust him with whatever task he would consent to assume.

Henry Knox, that gallant officer of the Revolution, had been already four years Secretary of War for the Confederation. In appointing him to the same office under the new Constitution, “Washington was but retaining a man whom he loved and to whom he had for long been accustomed to look for friendship and counsel. He chose Thomas Jefferson to handle the delicate questions of foreign affairs which must press upon the young state because, John Adams being Vice-President, there was no other man of equal gifts available who had had so large an experience in the field of diplomacy. Again and again Jefferson had been chosen for foreign missions under the Confederation; he was American Minister to France when Washington’s summons called him to the Secretaryship of State; and he came of that race of Virginian statesmen from whom Washington might reasonably count upon receiving a support touched with personal loyalty. Richard Henry Lee, Patrick Henry, and George Mason were home-keeping spirits, and doubted of the success of the new government; but Jefferson, though he had looked upon its making from across the sea, approved, and was ready to lend his aid to its successful establishment. In appointing Edmund Randolph to be Attorney-General, Washington was but choosing a brilliant young man whom he loved out of a great family of lawyers who had held a sort of primacy at the bar in Virginia ever since he could remember--almost ever since she had been called the Old Dominion. Knox was thirty-nine, Edmund Randolph thirty-six; but if Washington chose young men to be his comrades and guides in counsel, it was but another capital proof of his own mastery in affairs. Himself a natural leader, he recognized the like gift and capacity in others, even when fortune had not yet disclosed or brought them to the test.

It was hard, in filling even the greater offices, to find men of eminence who were willing to leave the service of their States or the security and ease of private life to try the untrodden paths of federal government. The States were old and secure--so men thought--the federal government was new and an experiment. The stronger sort of men, particularly amongst those bred to the law, showed, many of them, a great reluctance to identity themselves with new institutions set up but five or six months ago; and Washington, though he meant to make every liberal allowance for differences of opinion, would invite no man to stand with him in the new service who did not thoroughly believe in it. He was careful to seek out six of the best lawyers to be had in the country when he made up the Supreme Court, and to choose them from as many States--John Jay, of New York, to be chief justice; John Rutledge, of South Carolina; William Cushing, of Massachusetts; John Blair, of Virginia; James Wilson, of Pennsylvania, and R. H. Harrison, of Maryland--for he knew that the government must draw its strength from the men who administered it, and that the common run of people must learn to respect it in the persons of its officers. But he was equally careful to find out in advance of every appointment what the man whom he wished to ask thought of the new government and wished its future to be. Many to whom he offered appointment declined; minor offices seemed almost to go a-begging amongst men of assured position such as it was his object to secure. It needed all the tact and patience he could command to draw about him a body of men such as the county must look up to and revere. His letters again went abroad by the hundred, as so often before, to persuade men to their duty, build a bulwark of right opinion round about the government, make his purposes clear and his plans effective. He would spare no pains to make the government both great and permanent.

In October, 1789, his principal appointments all made, the government in full operation, and affairs standing still till Congress should meet again, he went upon a four weeks’ tour through the eastern States, to put the people in mind there, by his own presence, of the existence and dignity of the federal government, and to make trial of their feeling towards it. They received him with cordial enthusiasm, for he was secure of their love and admiration; and he had once more a royal progress from place to place all the way to far New Hampshire and back again. He studiously contrived to make it everywhere felt, nevertheless, by every turn of ceremonial and behavior, that he had come, not as the hero of the Revolution, but as the President of the United States. At Boston Governor Hancock sought by cordial notes and pleas of illness to force Washington to waive the courtesy of a first call from him, and so give the executive of Massachusetts precedence, if only for old friendship’s sake. But Washington would not be so defeated of his errand; forced the perturbed old patriot to come to him, swathed as he was in flannels and borne upon men’s shoulders up the stairs, received him with grim courtesy, and satisfied the gossips of the town once and for all that precedence belonged to the federal government--at any rate, so long as George Washington was President. Having seen him and fêted him, the eastern towns had seen and done homage to the new authority set over them. Washington was satisfied, and returned with a noticeable accession of spirits to the serious work of federal administration.

No man stood closer to him in his purpose to strengthen and give prestige to the government than Hamilton; and no man was able to discover the means with a surer genius. Hamilton knew who the well-wishers of the new government were, whence its strength was to be drawn, what it must do to approve

itself great and permanent, with an insight and thoroughness Washington himself could not match: for Hamilton knew Washington and the seats of his strength in the country as that self-forgetful man himself could not. He knew that it was the commercial classes of the country--such men as he had himself dwelt amongst at the great port at New York--who were bound by self-interest to the new government, which promised them a single policy in trade, in the stead of policies a half-score; and that the men who were standing to its support out of a reasoned prudence, out of a high-minded desire to secure good government and a place of consideration for their country amongst the nations of the world, were individuals merely, to be found only in small groups here and there, where a special light shone in some minds. He knew that Washington was loved most for his national character and purpose amongst the observant middle classes of substantial people in the richer counties of Pennsylvania, New Jersey, New York, and New England, while his neighbors in the South loved him with an individual affection only, and rather as their hero than as their leader in affairs. He saw that the surest way to get both popular support and international respect was to give to the government at once and in the outset a place of command in the business and material interests of the country. Such a policy every man could comprehend, and a great body of energetic and influential men would certainly support; that alone could make the government seem real from the first--a veritable power, not an influence and a shadow merely.

Here was a man, unquestionably, who had a quick genius in affairs; and Washington gave him leave and initiative with such sympathy and comprehension and support as only a nature equally bold and equally originative could have given. Hamilton’s measures jumped with Washington’s purpose, ran with Washington’s perception of national interests; and they were with Washington’s aid put into execution with a promptness and decision which must have surprised the friends of the new government no less than it chagrined and alarmed its enemies.

Having done its work of organization during its first summer session, the Congress came together again, January 4th, 1790, to attempt the formulation of a policy of government, and Hamilton at once laid before it a “plan for the settlement of the public debt” which he had drawn and Washington had sanctioned. He proposed that provision should be made for the payment of the foreign debt in full--that of course; that the domestic debt, the despised promises and paper of the Confederation, should be funded and paid; and that the debts contracted by the several States in the prosecution of the war for independence should be assumed by the general government as the debt of the nation. No one could doubt that the foreign debt must be paid in full: to that Congress agreed heartily and without hesitation. But there was much in the rest of the plan to give prudent men pause. To pay off the paper of the Confederation would be to give to the speculators, who had bought it up in the hope of just such a measure, a gratuity of many times what they had paid for it. To assume the State debts would be taken to mean that the States were bankrupt or delinquent, that the federal government was to be their guardian and financial providence, and that the capital of the country must look only to the government of the nation, not to the government of the States, for security and profitable employment. This was nationalizing the government with a vengeance, and was a plain bid, besides, to win the moneyed class to its support. Members whose constituencies lay away from the centres of trade looked askance at such measures, and deemed them no better than handing the government over to the money lenders of the towns. But boldness and energy prevailed, as they had prevailed in the adoption of the Constitution itself, and both measures were carried through the Houses--the first at once, the second after a close and doubtful struggle--by stratagem and barter.

Jefferson had been in France when Washington called him to assume the headship of foreign affairs at home; had not reached New York on his return voyage until December 23d, 1789; and did not take his place in Washington’s council till March 21st, 1790. All of Hamilton’s great plan had by that time passed Congress, except the assumption of the State debts. Upon that question a crisis had been reached. It had wrought Congress to a dangerous heat of feeling. Members from the South, where trade was not much astir and financial interests told for less than local pride and sharp jealousy of a too great central power, were set hotly against the measure; most of the Northern members were as hotly resolved upon its adoption. Mr. Jefferson must have caught echoes and rumors of the great debate as he lingered at Monticello in order to adjust his private affairs before entering upon his duties in the cabinet. The measure had been lost at last in the House by the narrow margin of two votes. But the minority were in no humor to submit. They declined to transact any business at all till they should be yielded to in this matter. There were even ugly threats to be heard that some would withdraw from Congress and force a dissolution of the Union rather than make concessions upon the one side or the other.

It was to this pass that things had come when Mr. Jefferson reached the seat of government; and his arrival gave Hamilton an opportunity to show how consummate a politician he could be in support of his statesmanship. The Southern members wanted the seat of the federal government established within their reach, upon the Potomac, where Congress might at least be rid of importunate merchants and money lenders clamoring at its doors, and of impracticable Quakers with their petitions for the abolition of slavery; and were almost as hot at their failure to get their will in that matter as the Northern men were to find themselves defeated upon the question of the State debts. Mr. Jefferson was fresh upon the field, was strong among the Southern members, was not embroiled or committed in the quarrel. Hamilton besought him to intervene. The success of the government was at stake, he said, and Mr. Jefferson could pluck it out of peril. Might it not be that the Southern men would consent to vote for the assumption of the State debts if the Northern members would vote for a capital on the Potomac? The suggestion came as if upon the thought of the moment, at a chance meeting on the street, as the two men walked and talked of matters of the day; but it was very eloquently urged. Mr. Jefferson declared he was “really a stranger to the whole subject,” but would be glad to lend what aid he could. Would not Mr. Hamilton dine with him the next day, to meet

(From the painting in possession of General Custis Lee)]

and confer with a few of the Southern members? In the genial air of the dinner-table the whole difficulty was talked away. Two of the diners agreed to vote for the assumption of the State debts if Mr. Hamilton could secure a majority for a capital on the Potomac; and Congress presently ratified the bargain. There was not a little astonishment at the sudden clearing of the skies. The waters did not go down at once; hints of a scandal and of the shipwreck of a fair name or two went about the town and spread to the country. But Congress had come out of its angry tangle of factions, calm had returned to the government, and Hamilton’s plan stood finished and complete. He had nationalized the government as he wished.

It was this fact that most struck the eye of Jefferson when he had settled to his work and had come to see affairs steadily and as a whole at the seat of government. He saw Hamilton supreme in the cabinet and in legislation--not because either the President or Congress was weak, but because Hamilton was a master in his new field, and both Congress and the President had accepted his leadership. It chagrined Jefferson deeply to see that he had himself assisted at Hamilton’s triumph, had himself made it complete, indeed. He could not easily brook successful rivalry in leadership; must have expected to find himself, not Hamilton, preferred in the counsels of a Virginian President; was beyond measure dismayed to see the administration already in the hands, as it seemed, of a man just two months turned of thirty-three. He began ere long to declare that he had been “most ignorantly and innocently made to hold the candle” to the sharp work of the Secretary of the Treasury, having been “a stranger to the circumstances.” But it was not the circumstances of which he had been ignorant; it was the effect of what he had done upon his own wish to play the chief rôle in the new government. When he came to a calm scrutiny of the matter, he did not like the assumption of the State debts, and, what was more serious for a man of political ambition, it was bitterly distasteful to the very men from whom he must look to draw a following when parties should form. He felt that he had been tricked; he knew that he had been outrun in the race for leadership.

What he did not understand or know how to reckon with was the place and purpose of Washington in the government. Hamilton had been Washington’s aide and confidant when a lad of twenty, and knew in what way those must rule who served under such a chief. He knew that Washington must first be convinced and won; did not for a moment doubt that the President held the reins and was master; was aware that his own plans had prospered both in the making and in the adoption because the purpose they spoke was the purpose Washington most cherished. Washington had adopted the fiscal measures as his own; Hamilton’s strength consisted in having his confidence and support. Jefferson had slowly to discover that leadership in the cabinet was to be had, not by winning a majority of the counsellors who sat in it, but by winning Washington. That masterful man asked counsel upon every question of consequence, but took none his own judgment did not approve. He had chosen Hamilton because he knew his views, Jefferson only because he knew his influence, ability, and experience in affairs. When he did test Jefferson’s views he found them less to his liking than he had expected.

He had taken Jefferson direct from France, where for five years he had been watching a revolution come on apace, hurried from stage to stage, not by statesmen who were masters in the art and practice of freedom, like those who had presided in the counsels of America, but by demagogues and philosophers rather; and the subtle air of that age of change had crept into the man’s thought. He had come back a philosophical radical rather than a statesman. He had yet to learn, in the practical air of America, what plain and steady policy must serve him to win hard-headed men to his following; and Washington found him a guide who needed watching. Foreign affairs, over which it was Jefferson’s duty to preside, began of a sudden to turn upon the politics of France, where Jefferson’s thought was so much engaged. The year 1789, in which America gained self-possession and set up a government soberly planned to last, was the year in which France lost self-possession and set out upon a wild quest for liberty which was to cost her both her traditional polity and all the hopes she had of a new one. In that year broke the storm of the French revolution.

It was a dangerous infection that went abroad from France in those first days of her ardor, and nowhere was it more likely to spread than in America.

“Bliss was it in that dawn to be alive, But to be young was very heaven! O times In which the meagre, stale, forbidding ways Of custom, law, and statute took at once The attraction of a country in romance! When Reason seemed the most to assert her rights When most intent on making of herself A prime Enchantress, to assist the work Which then was going forward in her name! Not favored spots alone, but the whole earth, The beauty wore of promise, that which sets (As at some moments might not be unfelt Among the bowers of paradise itself) The budding rose above the rose full blown.”

Was not this spirit that had sprung to such sudden might in France the very spirit that had made America free, her people sovereign, her government liberal as men could dream of? Was not France now more than ever America’s friend and close ally against the world? ’Twould be niggardly to grudge her aid and love to the full in this day of her emulation of America’s great example. The Bastile was down, tyranny at an end, Lafayette the people’s leader. The gallant Frenchman himself could think of nothing more appropriate than to send the great key of the fallen fortress to Washington.

But Washington’s vision in affairs was not obscured. He had not led revolutionary armies without learning what revolution meant. “The revolution which has been effected in France,” he said, “is of so wonderful a nature that the mind can hardly realize the fact”--his calm tones ringing strangely amidst the enthusiastic cries of the time. “I fear, though it has gone triumphantly through the first paroxysm, it is not the last it has to encounter before matters are finally settled. The revolution is of too great a magnitude to be effected in so short a space and with the loss of so little blood.” He hoped, but did not believe, that it would run its course without fatal disorders; and he meant, in any case, to keep America from the infection. She was herself but “in a convalescent state,” as he said, after her own great struggle. She was too observant still, moreover, of European politics and opinion, like a province rather than like a nation--inclined to take sides as if she were still a child of the European family, who had flung away from her mother England to cling in pique to an ancient foe. Washington’s first and almost single object, at every point of policy, was to make of the provincial States of the Union a veritable nation, independent, at any rate, and ready to be great when its growth should come, and its self-knowledge. “Every true friend to this country,” he said, at last, “must _see_ and _feel_ that the policy of it is not to embroil ourselves with any nation whatever, but to avoid their disputes and their politics, and, if they will harass one another, to avail ourselves of the neutral conduct we have adopted. Twenty years’ peace, with such an increase of population and resources as we have a right to expect, added to our remote situation from the jarring powers, will in all probability enable us, in a just cause, to bid defiance to any power on earth”; and such were his thought and purpose from the first. “I want an _American_ character,” he cried, “that the powers of Europe may be convinced we act for _ourselves_, and not for _others_.” He had been given charge of a nation in the making, and he meant it should form, under his care, an independent character.

It was thus he proved himself no sentimentalist, but a statesman. It was stuff of his character, this purpose of independence. He would have played a like part of self-respect for himself among his neighbors on the Virginian plantations; and he could neither understand nor tolerate the sentiment which made men like Jefferson eager to fling themselves into European broils. Truly this man was the first American, the men about him provincials merely, dependent still for their life and thought upon the breath of the Old World, unless, like Hamilton, they had been born and had stood aloof, or, like Gouverneur Morris, had divined Europe in her own capitals with clear, unenamoured eyes. Fortunately affairs could be held steadily enough to a course of wise neutrality and moderation at first, while France’s revolution wrought only its work of internal overthrow and destruction; and while things went thus opinion began slowly to cool. ’Twas plain to be seen, as the months went by, that the work being done in France bore no real likeness at all to the revolution in America; and wise men began to see it for what it was, a social distemper, not a reformation of government--effective enough as a purge, no doubt; inevitable, perhaps; a cure of nature’s own devising; but by no means to be taken part in by a people not likewise stricken, still free to choose. At first Washington and a few men of like insight stood almost alone in their cool self-possession. Every man of generous spirit deemed it his mere duty to extol the French, to join clubs after their manner, in the name of the rights of man, to speak everywhere in praise of the revolution. But by the time it became necessary to act--to declare the position and policy of the nation’s government towards France--a sober second thought had come, and Washington’s task was a little simplified.

The crisis came with the year 1793. In 1792 France took arms against her European neighbors, let her mobs sack the King’s palace, declared herself a republic, and put her monarch on trial for his life. The opening days of 1793 saw Louis dead upon the scaffold; England, Holland, Spain, and the Empire joined with the alliance against the fevered nation; and war as it were spread suddenly to all the world. Would not America succor her old ally? Was there no compulsion in the name of liberty? Would she stand selfishly off to save herself from danger? There was much in such a posture of affairs to give pause even to imperative men like Washington. Those who favored France seemed the spokesmen of the country. The thoughtful men, to whom the real character of the great revolution over sea was beginning to be made plain, were silent. It would have required a veritable art of divination to distinguish the real sentiment of the country, upon which, after all, the general government must depend. “It is on great occasions only, and after time has been given for cool and deliberate reflection,” Washington held, “that the real voice of the people can be known”; but a great risk must be run in waiting to know it.

The measures already adopted by the government, though well enough calculated to render it strong, had not been equally well planned to make it popular. The power to tax, so jealously withheld but the other day from the Confederation, the new Congress had begun promptly and confidently to exercise upon a great scale, not only laying duties upon imports, the natural resource of the general government, but also imposing taxes upon distilled spirits, and so entering the fiscal field of the States. Not only had the war debts of the States been assumed, but a national bank had been set up (1791), as if still further to make the general government sure of a complete mastery in the field of finance. Jefferson and Randolph had fought the measure in the cabinet, as many a moderate man had fought it in Congress, and Washington had withheld his signature from it till he should hear what they had to urge. But he had sent their arguments to Hamilton for criticism, and had accepted his answer in favor of the bank. Jefferson and Randolph had challenged the measure on the ground that it was without warrant in the Constitution, which nowhere gave Congress the right to create corporations, fiscal or other. Hamilton replied that, besides the powers explicitly enumerated, the Constitution gave to Congress the power to pass any measure “necessary and proper” for executing those set forth; that Congress was itself left to determine what might thus seem necessary; and that if it deemed the erection of a bank a proper means of executing the undoubted financial powers of the government, the constitutional question was answered. By accepting such a view Washington sanctioned the whole doctrine of “implied powers,” which Jefferson deemed the very annulment of a written and explicit constitution. No bounds, Jefferson believed, could be set to the aggressive sweep of congressional pretension if the two Houses were to be given leave to do whatever they thought expedient in exercising their in any case great and commanding powers. No man could doubt, in the face of such measures, what the spirit and purpose of Hamilton were, or of the President whom Hamilton so strangely dominated.

Strong measures bred strong opposition. When the first Congress came together there seemed to be no parties in the country. All men seemed agreed upon a fair and spirited trial of the new Constitution. But an opposition had begun to gather form before its two years’ term was out; and in the second Congress party lines began to grow definite--not for and against the Constitution, but for and against an extravagant use of constitutional powers. There was still a majority for the principal measures of the administration; but the minority had clearly begun to gather force both in the votes and in the debates. The reaction was unmistakable. Even Madison, Washington’s stanch friend and intimate counsellor, who had at first been his spokesman in the House, began to draw back--first doubted and then opposed the policy of the Treasury. He had led the opposition to the bank, and grew more and more uneasy to note the course affairs were taking. It looked as if the administration were determined of set purpose to increase the expenses of the government, in order that they might add to the loans, which were so acceptable to influential men of wealth, and double the taxes which made the power of the government so real in the eyes of the people. Steps were urged to create a navy; to develop an army with permanent organization and equipment; and the President insisted upon vigorous action at the frontiers against the western Indians. This was part of his cherished policy. It was his way of fulfilling the vision that had long ago come to him, of a nation spreading itself down the western slopes of the mountains and over all the broad reaches of fertile land that looked towards the Mississippi; but to many a member of Congress from the quiet settlements in the east it looked like nothing better than a waste of men and of treasure. The President seemed even a little too imperious in the business: would sometimes come into the Senate in no temper to brook delay in the consideration and adoption of what he proposed in such matters. When things went wrong through the fault of the commanders he had sent to the frontier, he stormed in a sudden fury, as sometimes in the old days of the war, scorning soldiers who must needs blunder and fail. The compulsion of his will grew often a little irksome to the minority in Congress; and the opposition slowly pulled itself together as the months went by to concert a definite policy of action.

Washington saw as plainly as any man what was taking place. He was sensitive to the movements of opinion; wished above all things to have the government supported by the people’s approval; was never weary of writing to those who were in a position to know, to ask them what they and their neighbors soberly thought about the questions and policies under debate; was never so impatient as to run recklessly ahead of manifest public opinion. He knew how many men had been repelled by the measures he had supported Hamilton in proposing; knew that a reaction had set in; that even to seem to repulse France and to refuse her aid or sympathy would surely strengthen it. The men who were opposed to his financial policy were also the men who most loved France, now she was mad with revolution. They were the men who dreaded a strong government as a direct menace to the rights alike of individuals and of the separate States; the men who held a very imperative philosophy of separation and of revolt against any too great authority. If he showed himself cold towards France, he would certainly strengthen them in their charge that the new government craved power and was indifferent to the guarantees of freedom.

But Washington’s spirit was of the majestic sort that keeps a great and hopeful confidence that the right view will prevail; that the “standard to which the wise and honest will repair” is also the standard to which the whole people will rally at last, if it be but held long and steadily enough on high to be seen of all. When the moment for action came he acted promptly, unhesitatingly, as if in indifference to opinion. The outbreak of war between France and England made it necessary he should let the country know what he meant to do. “War having actually commenced between France and Great Britain,” he wrote to Jefferson in April, 1793, “it behooves the government of this country to use every means in its power to prevent the citizens thereof from embroiling us with either of those powers, by endeavoring to maintain a strict neutrality. I therefore require that you will give the subject mature consideration, that such measures as shall be deemed most likely to effect this desirable purpose may be adopted without delay.... Such other measures as may be necessary for us to pursue against events which it may not be in our power to avoid or control, you will also think of, and lay them before me at my arrival in Philadelphia; for which place I shall set out to-morrow.” He was at Mount Vernon when he despatched these instructions; but it did not take him long to reach the seat of government, to consult his cabinet, and to issue a proclamation of neutrality whose terms no man could mistake. It contained explicit threat of exemplary action against any who should presume to disregard it.

That very month (April, 1793) Edmond Charles Genet, a youth still in his twenties whom the new republic over sea had commissioned Minister to the United States, landed at Charleston. It pleased him to take possession of the country, as if it were of course an appanage of France. He was hardly ashore before he had begun to arrange for the fitting out of privateers, to issue letters of marque to American citizens, and to authorize French consuls at American ports to act as judges of admiralty in the condemnation of prizes. As he journeyed northward to Philadelphia he was joyfully confirmed in his views and purposes by his reception at the hands of the people. He was everywhere dined and toasted and fêted, as if he had been a favorite prince returned to his subjects. His speeches by the way rang in a tone of authority and patronage. He reached Philadelphia fairly mad with the sense of power, and had no conception of his real situation till he stood face to face with the President. Of that grim countenance and cold greeting there could be but one interpretation; and the fellow winced to feel that at last he had come to a grapple with the country’s government. It was, no doubt, in the eyes of the sobering man, a strange and startling thing that then took place. The country itself had not fully known Washington till then--or its own dignity either. It had deemed the proclamation of neutrality a party measure, into which the President had been led by the enemies of France, the partisans of England. But the summer undeceived everybody, even Genet. Not content with the lawless mischief he had set afoot on the coasts by the commissioning of privateersmen, that mad youth had hastened to send agents into the south and west to enlist men for armed expeditions against the Floridas and against New Orleans, on the coveted Mississippi; but his work was everywhere steadily undone. Washington acted slowly, deliberately even, with that majesty of self-control, that awful courtesy and stillness in wrath, that had ever made him a master to be feared in moments of sharp trial. One by one the unlawful prizes were seized; justice was done upon their captors; the false admiralty courts were shut up. The army of the United States was made ready to check the risings in the south and west, should there be need; the complaints of the British Minister were silenced by deeds as well as by words; the clamor of those who had welcomed the Frenchman so like provincials was ignored, though for a season it seemed the voice of the country itself; and the humiliating work, which ought never to have been necessary, was at last made effective and complete.

Towards the close of June, Washington ventured to go for a little while to Mount Vernon for rest. At once there was trouble. A privateer was found taking arms and stores aboard in the very river at Philadelphia; Jefferson allowed her to drop down to Chester, believing Genet instead of the agents of the government; and she was upon the point of getting to sea before Washington could reach the seat of government. Jefferson was not in town when the President arrived. “What is to be done in the case of the _Little Sarah_, now at Chester?” came Washington’s hot questions after him. “Is the Minister of the French Republic to set the acts of this government at defiance _with impunity_? And then threaten the executive with an appeal to the people? What must the world think of such conduct, and of the United States in submitting to it? Circumstances press for decision; and as you have had time to consider them, I wish to know your opinion upon them, even before to-morrow, for the vessel may then be gone.” It was indeed too late to stop her: a gross violation of neutrality had been permitted under the very eyes of the Secretary of State. Washington stayed henceforth in Philadelphia, in personal control of affairs. It was an appeal to the people that finally delivered Genet into his hands. Washington revoked the _exequatur_ of one Duplaine, French consul at Boston, for continuing to ignore the laws of neutrality; Genet declared he would appeal from the President to the sovereign State of Massachusetts; rumors of the silly threat got abroad, and Genet demanded of the President that he deny them. Washington answered with a chilling rebuke; the correspondence was given to the public prints; and at last the country saw the French Minister for what he was. A demand for his recall had been resolved upon in the cabinet in August; by February, 1794, the slow processes of diplomatic action were complete, and a successor had arrived. Genet did not venture to return to his distracted country; but he was as promptly and as readily forgotten in America. Some might find it possible to love France still; but no one could any longer stomach Genet.

Washington had divined French affairs much too clearly to be for a moment tempted to think with anything but contempt of the French party who had truckled to Genet. “The affairs of France,” he said to Lee, in the midst of Genet’s heyday, “seem to me to be in the highest paroxysm of disorder; not so much from the presence of foreign enemies, but because those in whose hands the government is intrusted are ready to tear each other to pieces, and will more than probably prove the worst foes the country has.” It was his clear perception what the danger would be should America be drawn into the gathering European wars that had led him to accept a second term as President. It had been his wish to remain only four years in the arduous office: but he had no thought to leave a task unfinished;

knew that he was in the very midst of the critical business of holding the country to the course which should make it a self-respecting nation; and consented to submit himself once more to the vote of the electors. Parties were organizing, but there was no opposition to Washington. He received again a unanimous vote; and John Adams was again chosen Vice-President. The second inauguration (March, 1793) seemed but a routine confirmation of the first. But the elections to Congress showed a change setting in. In the Senate the avowed supporters of the administration had still a narrow majority; but in the House they fell ten votes short of control; and Washington had to put his policy of neutrality into execution against the mad Genet with nothing but doubts how he should be supported. The insane folly of Genet saved the President serious embarrassment, after all; made the evidence that Washington was right too plain to be missed by anybody; and gave the country at last vision enough to see what was in fact the course of affairs abroad, within and without unhappy France. Before that trying year 1793 was out, an attack upon Hamilton in the House, though led by Madison, had failed; Jefferson had left the cabinet; and the hands of those who definitely and heartily supported the President were not a little strengthened. There was sharp bitterness between parties--a bitterness sharper as yet, indeed, than their differences of view; but the “federalists,” who stood to the support of Washington and Hamilton, were able, none the less, to carry their more indispensable measures--even an act of neutrality which made the President’s policy the explicit law of the land. The sober second thought of the country was slowly coming about to their aid.

The air might have cleared altogether had the right method of dealing with France been the only question that pressed; but the ill fortune of the time forced the President to seem not only the recreant friend of France, but also the too complacent partisan of England. Great Britain seemed as mischievously bent upon forcing the United States to war as Genet himself had been. She would not withdraw her garrisons from the border posts; it was believed that she was inciting the Indians to their savage inroads upon the border, as the French had done in the old days; she set herself to destroy neutral trade by seizing all vessels that carried the products of the French islands or were laden with provisions for their ports; she would admit American vessels to her own West Indian harbors only upon sufferance, and within the limits of a most jealous restriction. It gave a touch of added bitterness to the country’s feeling against her that she should thus levy as it were covert war upon the Union while affecting to be at peace with it, as if she counted on its weakness, especially on the seas; and Congress would have taken measures of retaliation, which must certainly have led to open hostilities, had not Washington intervened, despatching John Jay, the trusted Chief Justice, across sea as minister extraordinary, to negotiate terms of accommodation; and so giving pause to the trouble.

While the country waited upon the negotiation, it witnessed a wholesome object-lesson in the power of its new government. In March, 1791, Congress had passed an act laying taxes on distilled spirits: ’twas part of Hamilton’s plan to show that the federal government could and would use its great authority. The act bore nowhere so hard upon the people as in the vast far counties of Pennsylvania and Virginia, beyond the mountains--and there the very allegiance of the people had been but the other day doubtful, as Washington very well knew. How were they to get their corn to market over the long roads if they were not to be permitted to reduce its bulk and increase its value by turning it into whiskey? The tax seemed to them intolerable, and the remedy plain. They would not pay it. They had not been punctilious to obey the laws of the States; they would not begin obedience now by submitting to the worst laws of the United States. At first they only amused themselves by tarring and feathering an exciseman here and there; but resistance could not stop with that in the face of a government bent upon having its own way. Opposition organized itself and spread, till the writs of federal courts had been defied by violent mobs and the western counties of Pennsylvania were fairly quick with incipient insurrection.

For two years Washington watched the slow gathering of the storm, warning those who resisted, keeping Congress abreast of him in preparation for action when the right time should come, letting all the country know what was afoot and prepare its mind for what was to come. It must have won him to a stern humor to learn that seven thousand armed men had gathered in mass-meeting on Braddock’s field to defy him. At last he summoned an army of militia out of the States, sent it straight to the lawless counties, going with it himself till he learned there would be no serious resistance--and taught the country what was back of federal law. Hamilton had had his way, the country its lesson. “The servile copyist of Mr. Pitt thought he must have his alarms, his insurrections and plots against the Constitution,” sneered Jefferson. “It aroused the favorite purposes of strengthening government and increasing the public debt; and therefore an insurrection was announced and proclaimed and armed against and marched against, but could never be found. And all this under the sanction of a name which has done too much good not to be sufficient to cover harm also.” “The powers of the executive of this country are more definite and better understood, perhaps, than those of any other country,” Washington had said, “and my aim has been, and will continue to be, neither to stretch nor to relax from them in any instance whatever, unless compelled to it by imperious circumstances,” and that was what he meant the country to know, whether the law’s purpose was good or bad.

The next year the people knew what Mr. Jay had done. He reached New York May 28th, 1796; and the treaty he brought with him was laid before the Senate on the 8th of June. On the 2d of July the country knew what he had agreed to and the Senate had ratified. There was an instant outburst of wrath. It swept from one end of the country to the other. The treaty yielded so much, gained so little, that to accept it seemed a veritable humiliation. The northwestern posts were, indeed, to be given up at last; the boundaries between English and American territory were to be determined by commissioners; unrestricted commerce with England herself, and a free direct trade with her East Indian possessions, were conceded; but not a word was said about the impressment of American seamen; American claims for damages for unjust seizures in the West Indies were referred to a commission, along with American debts to Englishmen; the coveted trade with

the West Indian islands was secured only to vessels of seventy tons and under, and at the cost of renouncing the right to export sugar, molasses, coffee, cocoa, or cotton to Europe. Washington agreed with the Senate that ratifications of the treaty ought not to be exchanged without a modification of the clauses respecting the West Indian trade, and October had come before new and better terms could be agreed upon; but he had no doubt that the treaty as a whole ought to be accepted. The opposition party in Congress had refused to vote money for an efficient navy, and so had made it impossible to check British aggressions: they must now accept this unpalatable treaty as better at any rate than war.

It was hard to stand steady in the storm. The country took fire as it had done at the passage of the Stamp Act. Harder things had never been said of king and parliament than were now said of Washington and his advisers. Many stout champions stood to his defence--none stouter or more formidable than Hamilton, no longer a member of the cabinet, for imperative private interests had withdrawn him these six months and more, but none the less redoubtable in the field of controversy. For long, nevertheless, the battle went heavily against the treaty. Even Washington, for once, stood a little while perplexed, not doubting his own purpose, indeed, but very anxious what the outcome should be. Protests against his signing the treaty poured in upon him from every quarter of the country: many of them earnest almost to the point of entreaty, some hot with angry comment. His reply, when he vouchsafed any, was always that his very gratitude for the approbation of the country in the past fixed him but the more firmly in his resolution to deserve it now by obeying his own conscience. “It is very desirable,” he wrote to Hamilton, “to ascertain, if possible, after the paroxysm of the fever is a little abated, what the real temper of the people is concerning it; for at present the cry against the Treaty is like that against a mad dog;” but he showed himself very calm to the general eye, making his uneasiness known only to his intimates. The cruel abuse heaped upon him cut him to the quick. “Such exaggerated and indecent terms,” he cried, “could scarcely be applied to a Nero, a notorious defaulter, or even to a common pickpocket.” But the men who sneered and stormed, talked of usurpation and impeachment, called him base, incompetent, traitorous even, were permitted to see not so much as the quiver of an eyelid as they watched him go steadily from step to step in the course he had chosen.

At last the storm cleared; the bitter months were over; men at the ports saw at length how much more freely trade ran under the terms of the treaty, and remembered that, while they had been abusing Jay and maligning the President, Thomas Pinckney had obtained a treaty from Spain which settled the Florida boundary, opened the Mississippi without restriction, secured a place of deposit at New Orleans, and made commerce with the Spaniards as free as commerce with the French. The whole country felt a new impulse of prosperity. The “paroxysm of the fever” was over, and shame came upon the men who had so vilely abused the great President and had made him wish, in his bitterness, that he were in his grave rather than in the Presidency; who had even said that he had played false in the Revolution, and had squandered public moneys;

New-York, December 21.

It is with the deepest grief that we announce to the public the death of our _most distinguished_ fellow-citizen _Lieut. General George Washington_. He died at Mount Vernon on Saturday evening, the 13th inst. of an inflammatory affection of the throat, which put a period to his existence in 23 hours.

The grief which we suffer on this truly mournful occasion, would be in some degree aleviated, if we possessed abilities to do justice to the merits of this _illustrious benefactor of mankind_; but, conscious of our inferiority, we shrink from the sublimity of the subject. To the impartial and eloquent historian, therefore, we consign the high and grateful office of exhibiting the life of _George Washington_ to the present age, and to generations yet unborn, as a perfect model of all that is _virtuous_, _noble_, _great_, and _dignified_ in man. Our feelings, however, will, not permit us to forbear observing, that the very disinterested and important services tendered by _George Washington_ to these United States, both in the Field and in the Cabinet, have erected in the hearts of his countrymen, monuments of sincere and unbounded gratitude, which the mouldering hand of Time cannot deface; and that in every quarter of the Globe, where a free Government is ranked amongst the choicest blessings of Providence, and _virtue_, _morality_, _religion_, and _patriotism_ are respected, THE NAME of WASHINGTON WILL BE HELD IN _veneration_.

And as along the stream of TIME, his name Expanded flies, and gathers all his fame.

NOTE.--The announcement of the death of Washington reproduced here was printed originally as the leading editorial in the _New York Gazette and General Advertiser_ of Saturday, December 21, 1799. This daily newspaper was published by John Lang, Franklin Head, No. 16 Pearl Street.

who had gone beyond threats of impeachment and dared to hint at assassination! They saw the end of his term approach, and would have recalled their insults. But they had alienated his great spirit forever.

When he had seen parties forming in his cabinet in the quiet days of his first term as President, he had sought to placate differences; had tried to bring Hamilton and Jefferson to a cordial understanding which should be purged of partisan bias, as he meant his own judgments to be; had deemed parties unnecessary and loyalty to the new Constitution the only standard of preferment to office. But he had come to another mind in the hard years that followed. “I shall not, whilst I have the honor to administer the government, bring a man into any office of consequence knowingly,” he declared in the closing days of 1795, “whose political tenets are adverse to the tenets which the general government are pursuing; for this, in my opinion, would be a sort of political suicide;” and he left the Presidency ready to call himself very flatly a “Federalist”--of the party that stood for the Constitution and abated nothing of its powers. “You could as soon scrub a blackamore white,” he cried, “as to change the principle of a profest Democrat”--“he will leave nothing unattempted to overturn the Government of this Country.”

Affairs fell very quiet again as the last year of his Presidency drew towards its close. Brisk trade under the new treaties heartened the country more and more; the turbulent democratic clubs that had so noisily affected French principles and French modes of agitation were sobered and discredited, now the Reign of Terror had come and wrought its bloody work in France; the country turned once more to Washington with its old confidence and affection, and would have had him take the Presidency a third time, to keep the government steady in its new ways.

But he would not have the hard office again. On the 19th of September, 1796, he published to the people a farewell address, quick with the solemn eloquence men had come to expect from him. He wrote to Hamilton and to Madison for advice as to what he should say, as in the old days of his diffident beginnings in the great office--though Hamilton was the arch-Federalist and Madison was turning Democrat--took their phrases for his thought where they seemed better than his own; put the address forth as his mature and last counsel to the little nation he loved. “It was designed,” he said, “in a more especial manner for the yeomanry of the country,” and spoke the advice he hoped they might take to heart. The circumstances which had given his services a temporary value, he told them, were passed; they had now a unified and national government, which might serve them for great ends. He exhorted them to preserve it intact, and not to degrade it in the using; to put down party spirit, make religion, education, and good faith the guides and safeguards of their government, and keep it national and their own by excluding foreign influences and entanglements. ’Twas a noble document. No thoughtful man could read it without emotion, knowing how it spoke in all its solemn sentences the great character of the man whose career was ended.

When the day came on which he should resign his office to John Adams, the great civilian who was to succeed him, there was a scene which left no one in doubt--not even Washington himself--what the people thought of the leader they had trusted these twenty years. A great crowd was assembled to see the simple ceremonies of the inauguration, as on that April day in New York eight years ago; but very few in the throng watched Adams. All eyes were bent upon that great figure in black velvet, with a light sword slung at his side. No one stirred till he had left the room, to follow and pay his respects to the new President. Then they and all the crowd in the streets moved after him, an immense company, going as one man, “in total silence,” his escort all the way. He turned upon the threshold of the President’s lodgings and looked, as if for the last time, upon this multitude of nameless friends. “No man ever saw him so moved.” The tears rolled unchecked down his cheeks; and when at last he went within, a great smothered common voice went through the stirred throng, as if they sobbed to see their hero go from their sight forever.

It had been noted how cheerful he looked, at thought of his release, as he entered the hall of the Representatives, where Mr. Adams was to take the oath. As soon as possible he was at his beloved Mount Vernon once more, to pick up such threads as he might of the old life again. “I begin my diurnal course with the sun,” he wrote, in grave playfulness, to a friend; “if my hirelings are not in their places by that time, I send them messages of sorrow for their indisposition; having put these wheels in motion, I examine the state of things further; the more they are probed the deeper I find the wounds which my buildings have sustained by an absence and neglect of eight years; by the time I have accomplished these matters breakfast (a little after seven o’clock, about the time, I presume, that you are taking leave of Mrs. McHenry) is ready; this being over, I mount my horse and ride round my farms, which employs me until it is time to dress for dinner.... The usual time of sitting at the table, a walk, and tea bring me within the dawn of candlelight; previous to which, if not prevented by company, I resolve that as soon as the glimmering taper supplies the place of the great luminary I will retire to my writing-table and acknowledge the letters I have received; when the lights are brought I feel tired and disinclined to engage in this work, conceiving that the next night will do as well. The next night comes, and with it the same causes for postponement, and so on. Having given you the history of a day, it will serve for a year, and I am persuaded that you will not require a second edition of it.” He had kept his overseers under his hand all the time he was President; had not forgotten to write to Dr. Young upon methods of cultivation; had shown the same passion as ever for speeding and regulating at its best every detail of his private business; but matters had gone ill for lack of his personal supervision. He was obliged to sell no less than fifty thousand dollars’ worth of his lands in the course of four or five years to defray the great expenses he was put to in the Presidency and the cost of bringing his estate into solvent shape again. He did not try to begin anew; he only set things in order, and kept his days serene.

A spark of war was kindled by the new administration’s dealings with France, and Washington was called once more to prepare for command, should the fighting leave the sea and come ashore. But formal war did not come. The flurry only kept him a little nearer the movements of politics than he cared to be. He was the

more uneasy to see how the Democrats bore themselves in the presence of the moment’s peril; doubted the expediency of assigning men of that party to places of command in the army; approved the laws passed against aliens and against those who should utter seditious libel against the government; showed again, and without reserve, how deeply his affections were engaged on the side of the institutions he had so labored to set up and protect; was intolerant towards any who sought to touch or question at any point their new authority--imperious as of old in question of action.

But it was his home that chiefly held his thought now. He had not changed towards his friends through all the long years of public care and engrossing business. An old comrade, who had come in his rough frontier dress all the way from far Kentucky to Philadelphia to see the President, had been told “that Washington had become puffed up with the importance of his station, and was too much of an aristocrat to welcome him in that garb.” But the old soldier was not daunted, pressed on to make his call, and came back to tell his friends how the President and his lady had both seen him and recognized him from the window, and had hurried to the door to draw him cordially in. “I never was better treated,” he said. “I had not believed a word against him; and I found that he was ‘Old Hoss’ still.” ’Twas the same with his neighbors, and with strangers too. He was the simple gentleman of the old days. A strolling actor, riding Mount Vernon way on a day in July, stopped to help a man and woman who had been thrown from their chaise, and did not recognize the stalwart horseman who galloped up to his assistance till the overturned vehicle had been set up again, they had dusted each the other’s coat, and the stately stranger, saying he had had the pleasure of seeing him play in Philadelphia, had bidden him come to the house yonder and be refreshed. “Have I the honor of addressing General Washington?” exclaimed the astonished player. “An odd sort of introduction, Mr. Bernard,” smiled the heated soldier; “but I am pleased to find you can play so active a part in private, and without a prompter.”

Those who saw him now at Mount Vernon thought him gentler with little children than Mrs. Washington even, and remembered how he had always shown a like love and tenderness for them, going oftentimes out of his way to warn them of danger, with a kindly pat on the head, when he saw them watching the soldiers in the war days. Now all at Mount Vernon looked forward to the evening. That “was the children’s hour.” He had written sweet Nelly Custis a careful letter of advice upon love matters, half grave, half playful, in the midst of his Presidency, when the troubles with England were beginning to darken; she had always found him a comrade, and had loved him with an intimacy very few could know. Now she was to be married, to his own sister’s son, and upon his birthday, February 22d, 1799. She begged him to wear the “grand embroidered uniform,” just made for the French war, at her wedding; but he shook his head and donned instead the worn buff and blue that had seen real campaigns. Then the delighted girl told him, with her arm about his neck, that she loved him better in that.

The quiet days went by without incident. He served upon a petty jury of the county when summoned; and was more than content to be the simple citizen again, great duties put by, small ones diligently resumed. Once and again his anger flamed at perverse neglects and tasks ill done. Even while he was President, he had stormed to find his horses put to the chariot with unpolished hoofs upon a day of ceremony. But old age, and the consciousness of a lifework done, had added serenity now to his self-control; and at last the end came, when he was ready. On the 12th of December, 1799, he was chilled through by the keen winds and cold rain and sleet that beat upon him as he went his round about the farms. He spent the evening cheerfully, listening to his secretary read; but went to bed with a gathering hoarseness and cold, and woke in the night sharply stricken in his throat. Physicians came almost at dawn, but the disease was already beyond their control. Nothing that they tried could stay it; and by evening the end had come. He was calm the day through, as in a time of battle; knowing what betided, but not fearing it; steady, noble, a warrior figure to the last; and he died as those who loved him might have wished to see him die.

The country knew him when he was dead: knew the majesty, the nobility, the unsullied greatness of the man who was gone, and knew not whether to mourn or give praise. He could not serve them any more; but they saw his light shine already upon the future as upon the past, and were glad. They knew him now the Happy Warrior,

“Whose powers shed round him, in the common strife Or mild concerns of ordinary life, A constant influence, a peculiar grace; But who, if he be called upon to face Some awful moment to which Heaven has joined Great issues, good or bad, for humankind, Is happy as a Lover; and attired With sudden brightness, like a man inspired; And, through the heat of conflict, keeps the law In calmness made, and sees what he foresaw.

* * * * *

A soul whose master-bias leans To homefelt pleasures and to gentle scenes;

* * * * *

More brave for this, that he hath much to love:-- * * * the man, who, lifted high, Conspicuous object in a nation’s eye, Or left unthought of in obscurity,-- Who, with a toward or untoward lot, Prosperous or adverse, to his wish or not, Plays, in the many games of life, that one Where what he most doth value must be won.”

INDEX

Acts of Trade, 121.

Adams, John, represents Massachusetts in Congress at Philadelphia, 154; character of, 156-157; opinion of, concerning Maryland and Virginia delegates to Congress at Philadelphia, 158; accused as rebel at Congress, 161-162; proposes Washington as commander of Continental army, 173; mentioned, 174, 188, 198; Vice-President with Washington, 279; elected Vice-President the second time, 301; inaugurated as President, 309.

Adams, Samuel, represents Massachusetts in Congress at Philadelphia, 154; character of, 155, 156; accused as rebel at Congress, 161-162.

Ajax, Washington’s horse, mentioned, 110.

Alexandria, recruiting at, for western expedition, 71, 77; Washington rejoins regiment at, 78; Braddock’s regiment at, 82; Braddock calls council of governors at, 83; Potomac commissioners adjourn from, to Mount Vernon, 252.

Allen, Ethan, takes possession of Ticonderoga, 171.

Ames, Fisher, comment of, on inauguration of Washington, 272.

Amherst, General, takes Louisbourg, 93.

Annapolis, Washington resigns commission at, 226; conference of States at, 254.

Army, Continental, created by Congress, 173; Washington takes command of, 180; unsatisfactory condition of, 182; desertions from, 191; hardships of, at Valley Forge, 199; trained by Steuben, 200; difficulty in maintaining, 206; treatment of, after the war, 218; efforts of Washington in behalf of, 221; Washington’s loss of popularity with, 222; disaffection in, 222-223; resolution passed by officers of, 223.

Army and navy, steps for formation of, 295.

Arnold, Benedict, attempt of, to capture Quebec, 183; Carleton checked by, 194, 198; at Saratoga, 195; treason of, 207.

Articles of Confederation, adopted by states, 213; effect of, 214.

Asgill, Captain Charles, incident of, 225; Washington’s gratification at release of, 225.

Attorney-General, creation of office of, by Congress, 277.

Barter, Philip, Washington’s gardener, makes agreement with Washington, 240.

Beaujeu leads attack on Braddock and is killed, 88.

Beauséjour, expedition planned against, 84; taken, 90.

Belvoir, seat of William Fairfax, 51; life at, 53; referred to, 107.

Bennington, Vermont, attack on, 195.

Berkeley, Sir William, resigns Virginia to the Commonwealth, 13.

Bernard, an actor, meeting of, with Washington, 312.

Betty, Parson, description of, by Colonel Byrd, 35.

Beverley, Robert, writings and character of, 31-32; characterization of Virginia by, 32; on Virginian hospitality, 50.

Bishop, servant of Washington, at Mrs. Custis’s, 100; pensioned by Washington, 241.

Blair, James, “commissary” to the Bishop of London in Virginia, character, influence, and breeding of, 36-37.

Blair, John, President of Virginia Council, 139; appointed delegate to Philadelphia conference, 257; appointed to Supreme Court, 281.

Bland, Richard, referred to, in connection with debate of Stamp Act, 130; referred to, 135; pamphlet of, on colonial rights, 138; chosen delegate to Congress at Philadelphia, 148; votes received by, as delegate to Congress, 161; opposes Henry in convention, 170; mentioned, 172; death of, 234.

Blueskin, Washington’s horse, mentioned, 110.

Board of Trade, search-warrants issued by, 122.

Boston, Washington visits, in 1756, 92; troops sent to, 140; massacre in, 145; “Tea Party,” 148; port of, closed, 148; fresh troops sent to, 168; Continental troops in front of, 171; reinforced by General Howe, 179; evacuation of, by British, 185; Washington occupies, 185; D’Estaing’s fleet at, 204.

Boston _News Letter_, referred to, 121.

Botetourt, Lord, appointed Governor-General of Virginia, 139; attempts to dissolve House of Burgesses, 140; attitude of, towards colonists, 141; death of, 141.

Bowdoin, Governor, of Massachusetts, urges convention of states, 253.

Braddock, Major-General Edward, made commander-in-chief in America, 81; “a very Iroquois in disposition,” 81; invites Washington to his staff, 83; plan of, for attacking Fort Duquesne, 84; force of, against Fort Duquesne, 85; advance of, upon Duquesne, 85-86; unreasonable temper of, on the advance, 86; defeat of, 86 ff.; stupid tactics of, 87; bravery of, 88; death of, 89; buried in the road, 89; losses in force of, 89; papers of, taken at Duquesne, 90; former master of Washington’s servant, 100; referred to, 161.

Brandywine, the, Washington defeated at, 196.

Brest, French fleet blockaded at, 207.

Bridges’ Creek, homestead of Augustine Washington, birthplace of George, 40-41; Washington with his brother Augustine at, 51.

Broglie, Prince de, 216.

Bunker Hill, battle of, 179-180.

Burgesses, House of, Governor Spotswood on education of members of, 38; Augustine Washton in, 46; quarrels with Dinwiddie about land fee, 69; grants money for an expedition to the Ohio, 71; thanks Washington for service at Great Meadows, 77; votes more money against the French, 79; appoints committee to spend money granted, 79; thanks Washington for his services with Braddock, 91; Washington chosen member of, 103; Washington’s election expenses to the, 109; temper of, at time of Washington’s entrance, 113; memorial of, to King, protesting against Stamp Act, 124-125; action of, on resolutions concerning taxation, 125; dissolved by Governor Fauquier, 133; attempt of Botetourt to dissolve, 140; resolution of, against importing taxed articles, 140; convened by Dunmore, 146; resolves to urge a Congress of all the colonies, 148; gives a ball to Lady Dunmore, 148; last meeting of, 172.

Burgoyne, General, plan of campaign of, 194; capture of Ticonderoga by, 195; movements of, 195; capitulation of, 195, 197.

Burke, Edmund, knowledge of, of temper of colonies, 117.

Burnaby, Rev. Andrew, Vicar of Greenwich, views of, on public character of Virginians in 1759, 120.

Byrd, Colonel William, remark of, concerning exploration of the interior, 12; remark of, concerning character of New-Englanders, 12; on the powers of colonial governors, 26; character and breeding of, 32 ff.; influence of, in development of Virginia, 33-34; undaunted spirits of, 34-35; characteristics of, as a writer, 33-35; remark of, about North Carolina, 34, 38; description of Mr. Betty by, 35; on Captain Washington’s management of iron mines, 45; opinion of, regarding taxation, 119-120; remark of, 120.

Camden, Cornwallis routs Gates at, 205.

Carleton, Sir Guy, attempt of, on Champlain, 194.

Carr, Dabney, meets with Henry and others to discuss colonial affairs, 146.

Cartagena, Lawrence Washington at siege of, 47-48.

Cary, Miss, Washington’s relations with, 101.

Cary, Robert, & Company, Washington’s factors in London, 105; carefully watched by Washington, 112.

Champlain, Lake, the French established upon, 61; attempt at capture of, by Carleton, 194.

Charleston, creation of, 18; a centre for pirates, 21; taking of, by Clinton, 205.

Charlestown, occupied by Continental troops, 179; captured by British, 180.

Chastellux, Marquis de, 216, 217, 218; Washington’s congratulations of, on his marriage, 260.

Chatham, Lord, knowledge of, of temper of colonies, 117; comment of, on Rockingham’s “declaratory act,” 138; advocates conciliation of America, 167.

Chinkling, Washington’s horse, mentioned, 110.

Church, position of Established, in colonial Virginia, 8.

Clark, George Rogers, drives British from the Illinois, 204.

Clinton, General, succeeds General Howe, 202; ordered to leave Philadelphia, 202; attacked by Washington at Monmouth Court House, 202; withdraws to New York, 203; troops sent by, take Savannah, 204; goes south, 205; captures Charleston, 205; returns north, 205.

Colonies, English, in America, population and condition of, in 1732, 4; individual development of, 4-5; contrast between Virginia and New England, 9, 13-14; expansion of, after the Restoration, 17-18; expulsion of the Dutch from, 17; mixture of population in middle and southern, 18-19; exchange of population amongst, 19; nature of settlement of, 20; operation of the Navigation Acts upon, 20; smuggling and privateering in, 21; piracy in, 21-22; irritation of, with regard to Navigation Acts, 22; early effects of the French power on, 23 ff.; stubborn separateness and independence of, in respect of government, 23-27; drawn into European politics by presence of the French in North America, 25; separate action of, in dealing with the French, 25-26; first feeling of independence among, 113-114; effect of close of French war on, 113; taxation of, best imposed by Parliament, 118; resistance to port dues in, 122; Stamp Act imposed on, 123-124; spread of Henry’s resolutions through, 134; delegates of, assemble in New York, 134; custom-house and revenue commissioners created for, 139; attitude of, towards Massachusetts, 154-155; adopt Articles of Confederation, 213.

Concord, fighting begins at, 170.

Conference, at Annapolis, significance of, 254; at Philadelphia, 256; twelve states represented in, 258; frames constitution, 259; adjournment of, 259.

Congress, delegates to, from Virginia, 148; at Philadelphia, 149; delegates to, from Massachusetts, 154; unfitness of, for counsel, 157; leadership of Virginian delegates in, 158-159; forms declaration of rights, 164-165; adjournment of, 165; second Continental, meets at Philadelphia (1775), 171; business transacted by, 171; appoints Washington commander of Continental Army, 173; removes to Baltimore, 191; Washington’s power increased by, 194; inefficiency of, 197, 206; policy of, with regard to western lands, 247; Washington urges increase of power of, 248; inability of, to pay national debts, 249; Washington’s letter to Lee on contempt for authority of, 254; indifference of, towards Hamilton’s proposal, 256; weakness of, in face of rebellion, 256; sanctions conference at Philadelphia, 256; convening of first, under the Constitution, 265; organizes various departments, 277; measures adopted by, for settlement of public debt, 284; bill defeated in, for assumption of state debts by government, 285; compromise in, effected by Jefferson, 287; taxes levied by, 293; division in, over constitutional powers, 294; changes in, 301; lays taxes on distilled spirits, 302.

Congress at New York, delegates sent to, by nine colonies, 134; bill of rights and immunities passed by, 134.

Connecticut fails to send delegates to Annapolis conference, 254.

Constitution, framed by conference at Philadelphia, 259; impartial interest of Washington in discussions of, 259; adoption of, 260.

Contrecœur, commander at Duquesne, against Braddock, 87-88.

Corbin, Richard, acquaints Washington with his commission as lieutenant-colonel, 72.

Cornwallis, Lord, advances to meet Washington, 192; defeat of detachment of, at Princeton, 193; retreat of, to New York, 193; defeats Gates at Camden, 205; defeat of, at King’s Mountain, North Carolina, 208; forced into Virginia, 208; at Yorktown, 208, 209; surrender of, 209; admiration of, for Washington, 209.

Craik, Dr., accompanies Washington on western journey, 242.

Crawford, Captain, correspondence of, with Washington, 143.

Criminals, hired for private service in colonial Virginia, 7; importation of, for servants, 45.

Cromwell, Oliver, the instrument and representative of a minority, 10.

Crown Point, a French post at, 61; William Johnson chosen to lead attack upon, 84; Johnson does not reach, 90; taken possession of by insurgents, 171.

Culpeper County, Washington made official surveyor for, 56.

Cushing, Thomas, represents Massachusetts in Congress at Philadelphia, 154.

Cushing, William, appointed to Supreme Court, 281.

Custis, Daniel Parke, first husband of Martha Custis, 99; leaves property to wife and children, 104.

Custis, “Jack,” placed at King’s College by Washington, 147; married, 147, 174; death of, 224.

Custis, Martha, meets with Washington, 99; previous life of, 99-100; Washington becomes engaged to, 101; marriage of, to Washington, 102.

Custis, Nelly, marriage of, 312.

Custis, “Patsy,” death of, 147.

Dandridge, Francis, Washington writes to, about Stamp Act, 134.

Deane, Silas, opinion of, of Southern delegates to Congress at Philadelphia, 158.

Declaration of independence, motion for, adopted, 187.

De Lancey, James, Governor of New York, consults with Braddock at Alexandria, 83.

Delaware, crossed by Washington, 191; forts on, taken by Howe, 197; delegates from, to Annapolis conference, 254.

Department of Foreign Affairs, organization of, 277.

Department of State organized by Congress, 277.

Department of the Treasury, organization of, 277.

Department of War organized by Congress, 277.

Dickinson, John, 170.

Dieskau, Count, defeated by Johnson at Lake George, 90.

Dinwiddie, Governor, appoints Washington adjutant-general of a military district, 58; member of Ohio company, 62-64; activity of, against the French, 62-64; authorized to warn the French from the Ohio, 63; sends Washington to convey warning, 64; correspondence of, with Lawrence Washington, 64; speaks of young Washington as “a person of distinction,” 64; contest with the Burgesses on the land fee, 69; orders a draft of militia to be sent to the Ohio, 69; feeling of, towards the Burgesses, 70; orders Washington’s journal to the Ohio printed, 70; impatience of, to reattack the French, 78; resolves militia into independent companies, 79; restrained in expenditure of money by committee of Burgesses, 79; consults with Braddock at Alexandria, 83; on the cowardice of Colonel Dunbar 90.

Dorchester Heights, 179; occupied by Washington, 184.

Dunbar, Colonel, given command of Braddock’s rear division, 86; craven behavior of, after Braddock’s defeat, 90.

Dunmore, John Murray, Earl of, becomes governor of Virginia, 145; convenes House of Burgesses, 146; reports of, on condition of Virginia, 168; lands troops near Williamsburg, 170; flight of, 172; raids of, upon Virginia, 186-187.

Duplaine, French consul at Boston, 300.

Duquesne, the Marquis, becomes governor on the St. Lawrence, 60; forestalls the English in the west, 62.

Duquesne, Fort, built by French on the Ohio, 73; Braddock’s plan for attacking, 84; Virginian route to, chosen by Braddock, 85; Braddock’s defeat at, 86-89; General Forbes sent to command expedition against, 93; taken and renamed Fort Pitt, 94; Forbes’s preparations for advancing against, 100.

Dutch, conquest of the, in America, 17; presence of, in New York and Pennsylvania, 18.

Eden, Charles, Governor of North Carolina, accompanies Washington to Philadelphia, 143.

Edict of Nantes, Revocation of, sends Huguenots to America, 18.

Education, unsystematic character of, in early Virginia, 29-30.

Elkton, Howe lands troops at, 196.

England, compelled to act for herself against the French in America by the colonies, 27; neglects government of colonies, 117-118; attitude of, towards United States, 248; war of, with France, 297; covert hostilities of, against United States, 302; John Jay sent to, 302; treaty with, effected by John Jay, 304.

Estaing, Count d’, appears off New York, 203; refits fleet, 204.

Fairfax, Anne, marries Lawrence Washington, 48; family connections of, 48-49.

Fairfax, George, Washington’s companion in western surveying, 54.

Fairfax, Thomas, third Lord, summons Colonel H. Washington at Worcester, 48-49.

Fairfax, Thomas, sixth Baron, estates of, in Northern Neck, 49; life and character of, 49-50; establishes himself in Virginia, 49-50; liking of, for Washington, 53; employs Washington as surveyor, 53-56; purpose of, in coming to America, 54; chief in hunting parties, 109.

Fairfax, William, family and career of, 48-49; president of the King’s Council, 50-51; Belvoir, seat of, 51, 53; influence of, upon Washington, 51-53; cheers Washington at the frontier, 92.

Fauquier, Francis, Governor of Virginia, present at Washington’s marriage, 102; dissolves House of Burgesses, 133; tastes of, 136; death of, 139.

Federal Hall, New York City, Washington takes oath of office in, 269.

Federalists support Washington, 301.

Finns in Pennsylvania, 18.

Forbes, General, sent to Virginia to command against Fort Duquesne, 93; takes Duquesne, 94; preparations of, for advancing against Duquesne, 100.

Fort Cumberland, built by Captain Innes at Will’s Creek, 78; Braddock at, 85; deserted by Colonel Dunbar, 90.

“Fort Necessity,” Washington’s intrenchments at Great Meadows, 75.

Fort Pitt, Fort Duquesne renamed, 94; left in charge of Colonel Mercer, 101.

Fort Washington, surrender of, by General Greene, 190.

Fort William Henry taken by the French, 90.

France, money loaned by, 199; forms alliance with United States, 201; United States in debt to, 249; effects of Revolution in, on America, 289; progress of Revolution in, 292; Washington’s attitude towards, 290-292, 296; at war with England, 297; war of, with United States threatened, 310.

Franklin, Benjamin, on Braddock’s plan for attacking Fort Duquesne, 84; remark of, 197.

Fraunce’s Tavern, Washington’s farewell to officers at, 226.

Frederick County, Washington chosen member of House of Burgesses for, 103.

Frederick the Great, provokes formation of league against himself, 80, 193; comment of, 203.

Fredericksburg, 228, 265.

French, in Pennsylvania and the southern colonies, 18; threatening power of, in North America, 22 ff.; development of conquest by, in America, 23; hold of, upon the fur trade, 23-24; effect of power of, upon relations of colonies to England, 25; separate action of colonies in dealing with, 25-26; indecisive wars with, in America, 27; movements of, in the West, 1752, 59-60; aggressive efficiency of, 60; warned from the Ohio by Dinwiddie, 64-66; at Fort Le Bœuf, 65; claims of, to the West, 66; seize fort at forks of the Ohio, 71; increase their force on the Ohio, 72; build Fort Duquesne, 73; attacked by Washington near Great Meadows, 73-74; profess friendship for the English, 80-81; send reinforcements to Canada, 81; force of, against Braddock, 87; lose Louisbourg, 93, Duquesne, 94, Quebec, 95; volunteer for service in America, 200; respect of, for Washington, 215.

French and Indian War, begun by Washington, 73-74; action in, at Great Meadows, 74-75; Braddock made commander-in-chief in, 81; Braddock’s defeat in, 86 ff.; goes heavily against the English, 90; drags upon the frontier, 91; goes against the French, 93-95; effect of close of, on colonies, 113; close of, 114.

French Revolution, beginning of, 289; progress of, 292; Washington’s attitude towards, 290-292, 296.

Fry, Colonel Joshua, made commander of western expedition, 72; dies, 73.

Fur trade, early rivalry of French and English in the, 23-25; effort of the English to control, at Oswego, 61.

Gage, General, 170

Galloway, Joseph, leader of Pennsylvania delegation, 164; proposition of, in Congress, 164.

Gardoqui insists on closing the Mississippi, 254.

Gaspé, schooner, destruction of, 146.

Gates, General, 198; defeated at Camden, South Carolina, 205.

Genet, Edmond Charles, minister from France, 297; conduct of, in America, 298; plans of, defeated by Washington, 298; recall of, 300.

Georgia, prevented by governor from sending delegates to “congress” in New York, 134; over-run by British, 204; fails to send delegates to Annapolis conference, 255.

Germans, in Pennsylvania and Virginia, 18; settle in valley of Shenandoah, 61; Pennsylvanian, oppose war with France, 63; attacked by Indians on Virginian frontier, 91; volunteer for service in America, 200.

Germantown, battle of, 197.

Gist, Christopher, agent of Ohio Company, 65; goes with Washington to warn the French, 65; solicitude of, for Washington, 66.

Gooch, William, Governor of Virginia, 40.

Grafton referred to, 139.

Grasse, Count de, co-operates with Washington before Yorktown, 209.

Great Meadows, Washington encamps at, 73; “a charming field for an encounter,” 73; Washington attacked by Villiers at, 74-75; bought by Washington, 144; referred to, 161.

Greene, General, surrender of Fort Washington by, 190; harasses Cornwallis in North Carolina, 208.

Greenway Court, built by Lord Fairfax, 50; Washington at, 55-56; referred to, 107.

Grenville, George, Prime-Minister, favors direct taxation of colonies, 119; attempt of, to enforce collection of port dues, 122; proposes Stamp Act, and billeting of troops in colonies, 123; referred to, 139.

Gunston Hall, centre of sport, 109.

Hamilton, Alexander, address of, to the states, 255; previous record of, 256; favors adoption of Constitution, 259; urges Washington to accept presidency, 262; referred to, 273; appointed Secretary of Treasury, 278; Washington’s reasons for choice of, 279; policy of, 282-283; plans of, for settlement of public debt, 284; Jefferson’s envy of, 287; relations of, with Washington, 288; referred to, 292; arguments of, for National Bank, 294; attacked in the House by Madison, 301; defence of Washington by, 305; referred to, 307; Washington asks advice of, 308.

Hamilton, Governor, of Pennsylvania, acts with Ohio Company, 63.

Hancock, Governor, of Massachusetts, visit of, to Washington, 282.

Hardwick, Washington’s overseer, 108.

Harlem Heights, fight at, 190.

Harrison, Benjamin, chosen delegate to a congress in Philadelphia, 148; referred to, 157; votes received by, as delegate to congress, 161; opposes Henry in convention, 170; mentioned, 172; Governor of Virginia, 234.

Harrison, R. H., appointed to Supreme Court, 281.

Hawley, Joseph, advice of, to representatives of Massachusetts at Philadelphia, 155; referred to, 158.

Hay, Anthony, Burgesses meet at house of, 140.

Henry, Patrick, family and character of, 126-127; entrance of, into House of Burgesses, 127; appearance and dress of, 127; comparison of, with Washington, 127; previous life of, 128; leadership of, in debate of Stamp Act, 128-129; triumph of, in debate of Stamp Act, 132; influence on colonies of resolutions of, 134; recognized as a leader, 138; meets with Jefferson and others to discuss colonial affairs, 146; chosen delegate to Congress at Philadelphia, 148-149; leadership of, in Congress at Philadelphia, 159; votes received by, as delegate to Congress, 161; criticised for boldness, 163; referred to, 165; advocates arming colonists, 169; heads militiamen against Dunmore, 171; mentioned, 172; chosen governor of Virginia, 234; appointed delegate to conference at Philadelphia, 257; opposes Constitution, 260; referred to, 280.

Hessians surrendered to Washington, 192.

Holland, United States in debt to, 249.

Howe, Admiral Lord, assists General Howe at New York, 189; offers pardon for submission, 189, 191.

Howe, General William, reinforces Boston, 179; evacuates Boston, 185; forces Washington from Brooklyn Heights, 189; plans of, 194; movements of, 195; advance of, on Philadelphia checked by Washington, 196; landing of, at Elkton, 196; defeats Washington at the Brandywine, 196; enters Philadelphia, 197; attacked by Washington at Germantown, 197; winters at Philadelphia, 197; resigns command, 202.

Illinois, the French in the country of the, 23.

Independent Company, temper of, from South Carolina at Great Meadows, 73; from New York fails to join Washington against the French, 76; from New York and from South Carolina at Fort Cumberland, 78; from New York with Braddock, 85.

Indians, Ohio Company, makes interest with, 61-62; Washington’s efforts to retain friendship of, for the English, 66; with Villiers at Great Meadows, 75; Washington’s struggle with the, on the frontier, 91-92; desert French at Duquesne, 93-94.

Innes, Captain, builds Fort Cumberland at Will’s Creek, 78.

Jay, John, supports proposition of Rutledge in Congress, 164; proposition of, concerning Mississippi, 246; favors adoption of Constitution, 259; appointed chief-justice, 281; sent by Washington to England, 302; provisions of treaty effected by, 304.

Jefferson, Thomas, referred to, 137; meets with Henry and others to discuss colonial affairs, 146; becomes governor of Virginia, 234; appointed Secretary of State, 278; Washington’s reasons for choice of, 279; compromise in Congress effected by, 287; envy of, of Hamilton, 287; relation of, with Washington, 288; French influences on, 289; opposition of, to National Bank, 293; letter to, from Washington, concerning United States policy towards France, 297; neutrality violated by, 299; leaves the cabinet, 301; remark of, on Whiskey Rebellion, 304; referred to, 307.

Johnson, Governor, of Maryland, urges Washington to accept presidency, 261.

Johnson, Colonel William, chosen to lead attack on Crown Point, 84; beats Dieskau at Lake George, 90.

Jones, Rev. Hugh, author of _Present State of Virginia_, 36.

Jones, John Paul, 205.

Jumonville, M., killed near Great Meadows, 74; death of, begins French and Indian War, 74, 80.

Keith, Sir William, Governor of Pennsylvania, suggestion of, for taxation of colonies, 118; referred to, 119.

Keppel, Admiral, commands fleet sent to Virginia, 81.

Knox, General, Washington’s farewell to, 226; letter to, from Washington, 266; made Secretary of War, 278.

Knyphausen, General, left by Clinton in charge of New York, 205.

Lafayette, Marquis de, volunteers for service in America, 200, 202; harasses Cornwallis in Virginia, 208; letter of Washington to, 237; remark of, concerning Washington’s home life, 239; sends hounds to Washington, 243; becomes people’s leader in French Revolution, 290.

Lake George, Dieskau beaten by Johnson at, 90.

Land fee, protest of the Virginia Burgesses concerning, 69.

Laurie, Dr., comes to Mount Vernon drunk, 109.

Lee, Arthur, referred to, 141.

Lee, Charles, 168; second in command to Washington, 191; taken prisoner, 191; treachery of, 202.

Lee, Henry (“Light-horse Harry”), 208.

Lee, Richard Henry, referred to, 132; forms association for resistance to Stamp Act, 135; meets with Henry and others to discuss colonial affairs, 146; chosen delegate to Congress at Philadelphia, 148; leadership of, in Congress at Philadelphia, 159; votes received by, as delegate to Congress, 161; interview of, with Massachusetts delegates, 161-162; referred to, 166; mentioned, 172; motion of, for declaration of independence, 187; harasses Cornwallis in North Carolina, 208, 235; Washington’s letter to, on contempt for authority of Congress, 254; opposes Constitution, 260; referred to, 280.

Lee, Thomas, president of Ohio Company, 64.

Lewis, Mrs., sister of Washington, 228.

Lexington, battle of, 170.

Lincoln, General, taken prisoner, 205.

Lippincott, Captain, hangs American officer, 224.

_Little Sarah_, the, 299.

Livingston, Chancellor of New York, administers oath of office to Washington, 269.

Louisbourg taken by Amherst, 93.

Lower Brandon, estate of Benjamin Harrison, 234.

Lynch, Mr., delegate from South Carolina to Congress at Philadelphia, 158.

Mackay, Captain of Independent Company from South Carolina, 79.

Mackenzie, Captain, letter of, to Washington, 162.

Madison, James, leader in Virginian politics, 235; appointed delegate to Philadelphia conference, 257; part of, in the conference, 259; favors adoption of Constitution, 259; referred to, 274; opposes policy of Treasury Department, 295; attack of, on Hamilton, 301; Washington asks advice of, 308.

Magnolia, Washington’s horse, mentioned, 110.

Marshall, John, becomes prominent, 235.

Maryland, resolution of, to arm colonists, 169; takes measures for opening the Potomac, 246; commissioners from, meet at Mount Vernon concerning Potomac, 252; action of Assembly of, regarding trade, 253; fails to send delegates to Annapolis conference, 254.

Mason, George, urges Washington to guard his health, 94-95; Washington stalking deer with, 110; conferences of, with Washington on state of colonies, 135; draws up resolution for House of Burgesses, 140; referred to, 166, 243, 280; appointed delegate to Philadelphia conference, 257; opposes Constitution, 260.

Massachusetts, independence of men of, 117; resents direct taxation, 119; refuses standing grant to governor, 119; summons colonies to send delegates to New York, 134; attitude of colonies towards, 154-155; delegates from, at Congress, accused of rebellion, 161-162; proclaimed in rebellion, 167-168; provincial congress formed in, and votes to equip militia of, 168; fails to send delegates to Annapolis conference, 254; rebellion in, 256; struggle in, over Constitution, 260.

Mercer, Colonel, engages Washington by mistake, 94; Fort Pitt left in charge of, 102.

Mifflin, Thomas, member of Congress at Philadelphia, 157.

Mississippi, early power of the French on the, 23; closed to commerce by the Spanish, 245; opening of, 306.

Monckton, Colonel, directed to attack Beauséjour in Acadia, 84.

Monmouth Court House, battle of, 202.

Monroe, James, becomes prominent, 235.

Montgomery, General, captures Montreal, 183; death of, 183, 215.

Montreal captured by Montgomery, 183.

Morgan, General, 198; harasses Cornwallis in North Carolina, 208.

Morris, Gouverneur, 292.

Morris, Robert Hunter, Governor of Pennsylvania, consults with Braddock at Alexandria, 83.

Morristown Heights, withdrawal of Washington to, 193.

Mount Vernon, named after Admiral Vernon, 48; Washington as a boy at, 51-53, 56; Washington visits, before Yorktown, 224; Washington returns to, after the war, 228; left in charge of Lund Washington, 233; many visitors at, 237, 243; Washington’s correspondence at, 250; meeting of Potomac commissioners at, 252; Washington leaves, to take presidency, 265; retires to private life at, 309.

Moustier, Count de, French minister to the United States, presumption of, 276.

Murray, John, Earl Dunmore. _See_ Dunmore.

National Bank, foundation of, 293.

Navigation Acts, policy of the, towards the colonies, 20; evasion of the, 21; irritation wrought by the, 22; advantages gained to the colonies by the, 22.

Nelson, Washington’s horse, 241.

Nelson, William, president of Virginia Council, 145.

New Brunswick, British stores at, 193.

Newcastle, Duke of, aroused on the French war, 80.

New England, peculiar character of population in, 9-10; persistent character of, amidst change, 10; modification of, 10-11; a body of churches, 11; population and condition of, at end of seventeenth century, 11-12; separate life of, 11-12; difference between, and Virginia accentuated under the Commonwealth, 13; emigration of congregations from, into New Jersey, 19; astir in the French war, 84.

New Hampshire, fails to send delegates to Annapolis conference, 254; rebellion in, 256.

New Jersey, establishment of, 18; emigration of New England congregations to, 19; sends delegates to Annapolis conference, 254.

New Orleans, growing French village at, 60; Genet’s plans against, 298.

Newport, D’Estaing sails against, 204; Rochambeau lands at, 206.

New Providence, in the Bahamas, headquarters of colonial pirates, 22.

New York, establishment of colony of, 17; early preponderance of the Dutch in, 18; a rival of the French in the fur trade, 24; Assembly of, questions English claim to the Ohio, 70; Independent Company from, fails to join Washington against the French, 76; Independent Companies from, under Innes at Will’s Creek, 78; astir in the French war, 84; Independent Companies from, with Braddock, 85; legislative powers of Colonial Assembly of, suspended, 139; majority in, opposed to revolution, 163; opposes motion for declaration of independence, 187; delegates from, to Annapolis conference, 254; struggle in, over Constitution, 260.

New York City, cosmopolitan character of colonial, 19; a centre for pirates, 21; delegates of colonies assemble in, 134; Washington’s plans for defence of, 186; British arrive before, 188; withdrawal of Washington from, 190; Clinton retreats to, 203; D’Estaing’s fleet appears off, 203; Washington’s welcome in, as President, 268; Washington takes oath of office in, 269.

Niagara, a French post at, 61; Governor Shirley to lead attack upon, 84; failure of Shirley’s expedition against, 90.

Nicholas, Robert Carter, member of House of Burgesses, referred to in connection with debate of Stamp Act, 131; opposes Henry in convention, 170.

Nicola, Colonel Lewis, proposal of, to make Washington king, 219-220.

Norfolk, Virginia, burned by Dunmore, 187.

North, Lord, Prime-Minister, repeals taxes, 144.

North Carolina, establishment of, 18; characterization of, by Colonel Byrd, 34, 38; sends militiamen to assist Washington against the French, 76; prevented by governor from sending delegates to “congress” in New York, 134; riots in, 145; delegates of, authorized to join in declaration of independence, 187; uprising of, 208; refusal of, to yield western land claims, 246; fails to send delegates to Annapolis conference, 254.

“Northern Neck” of Virginia, settlement of, 15-16; division of, into counties, 16; a natural seat of commerce, 16; immigration of the Washingtons into, 16; intimate intercourse of, with England, 30; of a piece with the rest of Virginia, 39; property of Augustine Washington in, 45; estates of Lord Fairfax in, 49.

Ohio, determination of Duquesne to occupy upper waters of, 60-61; first movement of the French towards the, 62; Dinwiddie determines to send militia to the, 69; Washington’s journal to the, printed, 70; fort begun at the forks of the, by the English, 71; the fort seized by the French, 71; French build Fort Duquesne on the, 73.

Ohio Company, formation of, 61; establishment of posts by, in the west, 62; Governor Dinwiddie member of, 62, 64; Thomas Lee, president of the, 64; Lawrence Washington president of the, 64; interested in Virginia route to Duquesne, 85; plans of, for opening the upper Potomac, 246.

Orme, Captain, invites Washington to Braddock’s staff, 83.

Oswego, English military post at, 61; westward expedition of the French observed from, 62; taken by the French, 90.

Otis, James, Advocate-General in Court of Admiralty, warns ministers against enforcing search warrants, 123; criticised for boldness, 163.

Paine, Robert Treat, represents Massachusetts in Congress at Philadelphia, 154.

Parliament renounces right to tax colonies, 201.

Pendleton, Edmund, member of House of Burgesses, referred to in connection with debate of Stamp Act, 131; character of, 131; referred to, 135; chosen delegate to Congress at Philadelphia, 148-149; vote received by, as delegate to Congress, 161; opposes Henry in convention, 170; referred to, 172; president of Committee of Safety, 187; becomes judge, 234.

Penn, Thomas, comment of, on Washington’s resignation from militia, 80.

Pennsylvania, establishment of colony of, 17; mixed population of, 18; immigration of Scots-Irish into, 19; westward movement of settlers from, 60-61; Assembly of, refuses to act against the French, 63; Assembly of, doubts English claim to the Ohio, 70; votes money to be used against the French, 76; advantages of route through, to Duquesne, 85; majority in, opposed to revolution, 163; delegation from, led by Joseph Galloway, 164; delegates from, to Annapolis conference, 254; Whiskey Rebellion in, 303.

Philadelphia, creation of, 17; cosmopolitan character of colonial, 19; Congress at, 149, 171; entered by Howe, 197; British leave, 202.

Phillipse, Mary, interests Washington, 93, 101, 174.

Pinckney, Thomas, treaty of, with Spain, 306.

Piracy in the colonies, 21-22; suppression of, 22.

Pitt, William, becomes Prime-Minister and ends the French war, 93 ff.

Planters, in colonial Virginia, mode of life of, 6, 28-29; proportion of, in colonial Virginia, 7; social position of, 8-9.

Poles volunteer for service in America, 200.

Potomac, Washington surveying on the, 55; importance of, to commerce, 246; Washington’s plans concerning, 246; conference of commissioners concerning, at Mount Vernon, 252.

Potomac Company, Washington chosen president of, 251.

Presque Isle, French establish themselves at, 62.

Princeton, Washington retreats to, 191; battle of, 193.

Principio Iron Company, interest of Augustine Washington in, 45; Colonel Byrd on the management of, 45.

Privateering in the colonies, 21.

Puritan Commonwealth in England the government of a minority, 10.

Puritans, unlike other Englishmen, 9; of the minority in England, 10; ascendency of, in New England, 10.

Quakers of Pennsylvania oppose war with French, 63.

Quebec, Wolfe takes command of expedition against, 93; taken, 95; attempt of Arnold to capture, 183.

Rahl, Colonel, mortally wounded, 192.

Randolph, Edmund, becomes prominent, 235; appointed delegate to conference at Philadelphia, 257; part of, in the conference, 259; appointed Attorney-General, 278; Washington’s reasons for choice of, 280; opposition of, to National Bank, 293.

Randolph, Peyton, member of House of Burgesses, referred to in connection with debate of Stamp Act, 131; previous life of, 132; referred to, 135; chosen delegate to Congress at Philadelphia, 148-149; chosen president of Congress at Philadelphia, 159; votes received by, as delegate to Congress, 160; referred to, 172; death of, 234.

Rangers, Virginian, added to Braddock’s forces, 82; behavior of, in Braddock’s defeat, 87, 88, 89; Braddock praises, 89.

“Red Sea trade,” the, 21-22.

Redstone Creek, Ohio Company establishes post on, 62.

Reed, Joseph, comment of, on Virginia delegates, 172.

Restoration, effect of, upon colonial settlement, 17.

Revolution, first battle of, 170; goes against British, 203; goes against Americans, 205; favors Americans in the South, 208; close of, 209; effect of, on Washington, 216.

Rhode Island, Puritan though various, 11; fails to send delegates to Annapolis conference, 254; in sympathy with Shays, 256.

Richmond, Virginia convention meets in, 169.

Robin, Abbé, 215, 221.

Robinson, Beverly, entertains Washington in New York, 93.

Robinson, Speaker of House and Treasurer of Virginia, thanks Washington for services, 103; death of, referred to, 113.

Rochambeau, Count, lands men at Newport, 206; assists Washington’s plans, 208, 228.

Rockingham, Lord, referred to, 135; “declaratory act” under ministry of, 138.

Rutledge, Edward, supports proposition of Galloway in Congress, 164; Washington’s appeal to, 272.

Rutledge, John, appointed to Supreme Court, 281.

St. Clair, Sir John, Washington at Williamsburg by order of, 100.

St. Lawrence, power of the French on the, 23.

St. Leger, General, plans of, 194; failure of, 195.

San Lazaro, Fort, storming of, 48.

Saratoga, battle of, 195.

Savannah taken by British, 204.

Schuyler, General, driven from Ticonderoga, 195; mentioned, 198.

Scots-Irish, in Virginia and the middle colonies, 19; settlement of, in Shenandoah Valley. 61; harassed by Indians on Virginian frontier, 91.

Search-warrants issued by Board of Trade, 122.

Servants, hired, in colonial Virginia, 7.

Settlers harassed by Indians on Virginian frontier, 91-92.

Sharpe, Horatio, Governor of Maryland, consults with Braddock at Alexandria, 83.

Shays leads rebellion in Massachusetts, 256.

Shenandoah, Washington surveying on the, 55; first movement of settlers into valley of, 61.

Shippen, Dr., interview of, with Massachusetts delegates, 161-162.

Shirley, William, Governor of Massachusetts, consults with Braddock at Alexandria, 83; to lead attack on Niagara, 84; fails in attack, 90; Washington’s visit to, in 1756, 92, 93, 174.

Slaves, proportion of, in colonial Virginia, 7.

Smuggling, in the colonies, 21; common practice of, 121.

Society of the Cincinnati, Washington declines to meet, 257.

“Sons of Liberty,” 175.

South Carolina, establishment of, 18; Independent Company from, at Great Meadows, 73; provincials from, under Innes at Will’s Creek, 78; majority in, opposed to revolution, 163; in power of British, 205; fails to send delegates to Annapolis conference, 254.

Spain, alliance of, with France and America, 204; invasion of England attempted by, 204; closes Mississippi River to commerce, 245, 247, 249; treaty with, obtained by Pinckney, 306.

_Spectator_, the, Lord Fairfax a contributor to, 49-50; Washington’s acquaintance with, 56.

Spotswood, Alexander, character of, and career in Virginia, 37-38; judgment of Virginians by, 38; on the education of Burgesses, 38; referred to, 119.

Stamp Act, proposed by Grenville, 123; passage of, 124; protest against, by House of Burgesses, 124; Henry’s leadership in debate of, 128-129; repeal of, 135.

Steuben, Baron von, joins Washington at Valley Forge, 200; harasses Cornwallis in North Carolina, 208.

Stith, Rev. William, character and writings of, 35-36.

Sullivan, General, 192.

Swedes on the Delaware, 18.

Taxation, Virginian Burgesses regard Dinwiddle’s land fee as, 69; of colonies, best imposed by Parliament, 118; imposed on wines and sugars, 1764, 119; direct, of colonies, favored by George Grenville, 119; disregard of, by officials and traders, 120; ministry willing to remit, 167.

Thomson, Charles, clerk of Congress, notifies Washington of his election, 265.

Ticonderoga, Allen takes possession of, 171; captured by Burgoyne, 195.

Townshend, Charles, referred to, 139.

Trade, Ohio Company and the western, 61-62; Acts of, 121.

Trenton captured by Washington, 192.

Trumbull, Governor, referred to, 189.

Trumbull, Jonathan, Jr., Washington’s letter to, 244.

Truro, parish of, represented by Augustine Washington, 46.

Tryon, Governor of North Carolina, 145.

Valiant, Washington’s horse, mentioned, 110.

Valley Forge, Washington winters at, 197, 199; Mrs. Washington’s visit to, 199.

Vanbraam, Jacob, fencing-master at Mount Vernon, goes with Washington to warn the French, 64.

Vergennes, intercession of, in behalf of Captain Asgill, 225.

Vermont, rebellion in, 256.

Vernon, Admiral, at Cartagena, 47-48.

Villiers, Coulon de, attacks Washington at Great Meadows, 74-75.

Virginia, general English character of colonial, 5; fixed nature of society in, 5-6; lack of towns in, 6; independent plantation life in, 6-7, 28-29; classes of population in, 7; proportion of slaves in, 7; democratic spirit in, 8; position of Church in, 8; position of Established Church in, 8; contrasted with New England, 9; temper of, at establishment of the Commonwealth, 13; change in population of, during Commonwealth, 13-14; emigration of John and Lawrence Washington to, 14; French Huguenots and Germans in, 18; meets the French in western fur trade, 24; character and habits of society in, 28 ff.; individuality of men in, 28-29; education and study in, 29-30; character of literary work in, 30-31; travel in, 38; culture mixed with rough life in, 39; obliged to act alone against the French, 63; English regiments for French war arrive in, 81; route through, to Duquesne chosen by Braddock, 85; forces of, with Braddock, 85; resents direct taxation, 119; loyalty of colonists to, 130; prevented by governor from sending delegates to “congress” in New York, 134; passes bill of rights, 134; leadership of delegates from, in Congress at Philadelphia, 158-159; colonists of, armed, 168; convention of, meets at Richmond, 169; changes in, during the war, 234; yields western land claims, 246; commissioners from, meet at Mount Vernon concerning the Potomac, 252; calls general conference at Annapolis, 254; delegates from, to Annapolis conference, 254; final adoption of national Constitution by, 260-261.

Walpole, Horace, calls Washington a “brave braggart,” 78, 80, 206.

Walpole, Sir Robert, answer of, to Keith, 118.

Washington, Augustine, father of George, 40; character and occupations of, 45-46; a representative in the House of Burgesses, 46; death and will of, 46; courtship and marriage of, 47.

Washington, Augustine (half-brother of George), estate and education of, 46; George with, at Bridges’ Creek, 51; member of Ohio Company, 61.

Washington, George, breeding of, epitomized, 3; birth of, 40; birthplace of, 41; age of, at his father’s death, 46; interest of, in his father’s estate, 46; under his mother’s care, 47; as a boy at Mount Vernon and Belvoir, 50-51, 52-53, 56; comradeships of, as a boy, at Belvoir and Mount Vernon, 50-53, 56; kept at school till sixteen, 51; at Bridges’ Creek with his brother Augustine, 51; kept from going to sea, 51; boyish relish of, for practical efficiency, 51-52; quits school, 52; intimacy of, with Lord Fairfax, 53-56; surveyor for Lord Fairfax, 53-56; letter of, on surveying experiences, 55; boyish reading of, 56; official appointment of, as surveyor, 56; studies tactics and the broadsword at Mount Vernon, 56; becomes known throughout the Northern Neck, 57; goes to the Bahamas with Lawrence, 57; made Lawrence’s executor, 57-58; contracts the small-pox in the Bahamas, 58; takes Lawrence’s place in the militia, 58; put in charge of a military district, 58; contingent interest in Mount Vernon, 58; sent by Dinwiddie to warn the French from the Ohio, 64-66; difficulties of the journey, 65-66; endeavors to attach Indians to the English, 66; appointed by Dinwiddie to command militia sent to the Ohio, 69; journal of, to the Ohio printed, 70; recruiting at Alexandria, 71; commissioned lieutenant-colonel under Joshua Fry, 72; sent forward to cut a road to the Ohio, 72; establishes camp at Great Meadows, 73; trouble of, with Independent Company at Great Meadows, 73; succeeds Colonel Fry in command, 73; spills first blood of the French war, 73-74; attacked by Villiers at Great Meadows, 74-75; capitulates and retreats, 76; thanked by the House of Burgesses, 77; letters of, on management of expedition to Ohio, 77; likes the sound of bullets, 77; laughed at by Horace Walpole, 78; rejoins regiment at Alexandria, 78; resigns command, 79; Thomas Penn’s comment upon resignation of, 80; visits Braddock’s regiment at Alexandria, 82; accepts place on Braddock’s staff, 83; disputes of, with Braddock during advance on Duquesne, 86; advises division of Braddock’s force, 86; in Braddock’s defeat, 87-89; ill just before the battle, 88; directs retreat alone, 89; distress of, at sufferings of frontier settlers, 91; thanked by the Burgesses for his services under Braddock, 91; keeps the frontier against the Indians, 91-92; cheered by Colonel Fairfax, 92; behavior of, towards his comrades, 92; hangs insubordinates, 92; visits Governor Shirley on matter of rank, 92-93; becomes interested in Mary Phillipse in New York, 93; goes with Forbes against Fort Duquesne, 94; in ill-health, 94; George Mason to, on need of preserving himself for the country, 94-95; meets Martha Custis, 99; becomes engaged to Mrs. Custis, 101; early love affairs of, 101; marriage of, 102; stay of, at the White House, 102; takes wife to Williamsburg, 102; chosen member of House of Burgesses, 103; embarrassed on entering House of Burgesses, 103; publicly thanked for services, 103; management of estates by, 104; home life of, 104-112, 251; business ability of, 105-106; attitude of, towards drinking, 108-109; election expenses of, 109; fondness of, for hunting, 109-110; getting estates into condition, 110; pleasure outings of, 111; taste of, in clothes, 111; desire of, to go to England, 112; comparison of, with Henry, 127; attitude of, towards debate on Stamp Act, 133; views of, on enforcement of Stamp Act, 134; confers with Mason on state of colonies, 135; relations of, with Fauquier, 136; letter of, to Mason on actions of Parliament, 140; presents Mason’s resolution to House of Burgesses, 140-141; encourages observance of importation resolution, 142; buys new “chariot,” 142; pre-empts lands in the west, 142; employments of, 142-143; gives ball at Alexandria, 143; attends horse-races in Philadelphia, 143; secures western land for comrades in French war, 143-144; places “Jackie” Custis in King’s College, New York, 147; letter to Colonel Bassett, 147; chosen delegate to Congress at Philadelphia, 148-149; not a leader in Congress at Philadelphia, 159-160; criticism of, of Gage’s conduct, 160; reported saying of, 160; votes received by, as delegate to Congress, 161; interview of, with Massachusetts delegates, 161-162; foresees outcome of Congress’s actions, 165-166; business affairs of, 166-167; assumes command of Virginia companies, 169; attends second Continental Congress, 171; accepts command of army at Boston, 174, 214; reverence of people for, 174; reaches Cambridge, 180; assumes command of army, 180; correspondence of, from headquarters, 181; privateers equipped by orders of, 182; occupies Dorchester Heights, 184; enters Boston, 185; transfers defence to New York, 186; favors motion for declaration of independence, 188; evacuates Brooklyn Heights, 190; withdrawal of, from New York City, 190; retreat of, through New Jersey, 191; crosses the Delaware, 191; forces recruited by, 192; captures Trenton, 192; defeats British at Princeton, 193; withdraws to Morristown, 193; proclamation of, 193; fortune of, pledged for payment of troops, 194; causes Howe to retreat to New York, 196; defeat of, at the Brandywine, 196; attacks Howe at Germantown, 197; winters at Valley Forge, 197; plots against, 198; trials of, at Valley Forge, 199; joined by Steuben, 200; attacks Clinton at Monmouth Court House, 202; wrath of, at Lee’s cowardice, 202; grief of, at Arnold’s treason, 207; takes Cornwallis at Yorktown, 209; courage of, 215; effect of the war on, 216; reserve of, in discharge of duty, 218; advises with Congress, 219; rejoins army at Newburgh, 219; indignation of, at Colonel Nicola’s proposal, 220; efforts of, in behalf of the army, 221; loses popularity with the army, 222; treatment of mutinous officers by, 222-223; longing of, for home, 223; sternness of, 224; reply of, to Vergennes concerning Captain Asgill, 225; gratification of, at release of Captain Asgill, 225; farewell of, to officers, 226; speech of, on resigning commission at Annapolis, 226-227; prayer of, before battle, 227; returns to Mount Vernon, 228; simplicity of, 228; attends ball with his mother, 228; deference of, to his mother, 229; rebukes his nephew, 233; welcome of, on return to Virginia, 235; privacy of, at Mount Vernon, 237; letter of, to Lafayette, 237; interruptions of, at Mount Vernon, 238; as a host, 238; affection of, for adopted children, 239; agreement of, with gardener, 240; strictness of, in business dealings, 241; eagerness of people to see, 241; makes journey to western lands, 242; cares of, as statesman, 243; anxiety of, for success of government, 243-244; “political creed” of, 244; forebodings of, for future of the West, 245; efforts of, to open the Potomac, 246; urges increase of Congress’s power, 248; portraits of, 250; makes tour of inspection as president of Potomac Company, 251; invites commissioners on opening of the Potomac to Mount Vernon, 252; letter of, to Henry Lee, 254; criticises weakness of Congress, 256; appointed delegate to Philadelphia conference, 257; reluctance of, to attend conference at Philadelphia, 257; opposes compromise in conference at Philadelphia, 258; chosen president of conference, 258; returns to Mount Vernon, 259; intense interest of, in discussions of Constitution, 259; congratulations of, to Chastellux on marriage, 260; reluctance of, to accept presidency, 261; accepts presidency, 262; bids farewell to his mother, 265; leaves Mount Vernon, 265; feelings of, on leaving home, 266; financial troubles of, 267; journey of, to New York, 267; present journey contrasted with former ones, 267; welcome of, in New York, 268; takes oath of office, 269; emotion of, during inaugural address, 270-271; inexperience of, in administration, 272-273; fitness of, for office, 273; dignity of, in office, 274-276; illness of, 277; familiarity of, with affairs of government, 278; choice of cabinet by, 278; care of, in federal appointments, 281; makes tour of eastern states, 281-282; sympathy of, with Hamilton’s policy, 284; attitude of, towards French Revolution, 290-291, 292, 296; object in national policy of, 291; sanctions National Bank, 294; frontier policy of, 295; neutrality of, between France and England, 297; frustrates plans of Genet, 298; demands recall of Genet, 300; elected to second term, 301; sends John Jay to England, 302; puts down Whiskey Rebellion, 303; favors Jay’s treaty with England, 305; abuse of, by the people, 305; behavior of, under abuse, 306; wisdom of, recognized, 306; attempts reconciliation of Hamilton and Jefferson, 307; declines third term, 308; farewell address of, 308; emotion of, on retirement from office, 309; retires to Mount Vernon, 309-310; connections of, with public life, 310; treatment of old comrade by, 311; gentleness of, with children, 312; attends marriage of Nellie Custis, 312; sickness and death of, 313-314.

Washington, Colonel Henry, holds Worcester for the king, 14, 48-49.

Washington, John, emigration of, to Virginia, 14-15; ancestry of, 14-15; settlement of, in “Northern Neck” of Virginia, 16-17; life of, in Virginia, 40; fortunes of descendants of, 40.

Washington, Rev. Lawrence, rector of Purleigh, 15, 41.

Washington, Lawrence, emigrant to Virginia, 14-15; ancestry of, 14-15; settlement of, in “Northern Neck” of Virginia, 16-17.

Washington, Lawrence (half-brother of George), estate and education of, 46; service of, at Cartagena, 47; in the storming of Fort San Lazaro, 48; head of the family and adjutant-general of the colonial militia, 48; marriage of, 48-49; member of the House of Burgesses, 50; influence of, upon George, 50-53, 57; illness and death of, 57; makes George his executor and residuary legatee, 57-58; member of Ohio Company, 61; president of Ohio Company, 64; correspondence of, with Dinwiddie, 64.

Washington, Lund, 181; management of Mount Vernon by, 233.

Washington, Martha, outings of, with Washington, 111; at Washington’s headquarters at Cambridge, 184; at Valley Forge, 190.

Washington, Mary, courtship and marriage of, 47; keeps George from going to sea, 51; attends ball with Washington, 228; Washington’s deference to, 229; Washington bids farewell to, 265.

Washingtons, the, fortunes of, in the Northern Neck, 39-40.

Wentworth, commander of land forces at Cartagena, 47.

West Point, Arnold tries to betray, 207.

Whiskey Rebellion in Pennsylvania and Virginia, 303.

Whitehall Ferry, Washington at, 226.

White House, Washington’s stay at, 102.

White Plains, skirmish at, 190.

William and Mary, College of, 30; chiefly founded by James Blair, 36.

Williamsburg, Virginia’s chief town, 6; Washington belated at, by courting, 100; Washington and wife at, 102; Dunmore lands troops at, 171.

Will’s Creek, Ohio Company’s post at, 62; Captain Innes builds Fort Cumberland at, 78.

Wilson, James, appointed to Supreme Court, 281.

Winchester, Washington on business concerning General Forbes at, 100.

Wolfe, General, takes command against Quebec, 93; takes Quebec, 95.

Worcester, Colonel Henry Washington at, 14, 48-49.

Wythe, George, referred to, in connection with debate of Stamp Act, 130; referred to, 135; appointed delegate to Philadelphia conference, 257.

Yorktown, Virginia, Cornwallis arrives at, 208; Cornwallis’s surrender at, 209.

Young, Arthur, correspondence of, with Washington, 260.

THE END

Typographical errors corrected by the etext transcriber:

Mary Philipse => Mary Phillipse {pg 93}

leisure to reflect=> leisure te reflect {pg 133}

into Mary Philipse’s=> into Mary Phillipse’s {pg 174}

United States=> united States {pg 246}

Philipse, Mary, interests=> Phillipse, Mary, interests {pg 326}