A second attack--Report of a scouting party--Matters in Tientsin reach a crisis--Imperial soldiers destroying the railway line at Yangtsun--The return of the Expedition--Villages burnt--Germans capture junks--An attack on the trains by Boxers and Imperial troops--Enemy well-armed--Casualties of the Allies--Critical situation for the Relief Expedition--The trains abandoned--On the march--The enemy attacked and driven away from a strong position--Attack on a village in possession of Boxers and soldiers--The British Consul and the Viceroy of Tientsin--Mr. Carles’ telegram--Lord Salisbury’s generous offer.

The same afternoon a second attack, by a force of Boxers estimated at 2000, was made on the Lofa station. They were again repulsed, leaving 50 or 60 dead, while the Allies had no serious casualties. A scouting party, under Major Johnstone, reported that the railway further up the line was in a dreadful condition, the rails having been torn up and carried away for several miles. Furthermore, things in Tientsin were coming to a crisis. The native city was at the mercy of the Boxers, and chapels and houses of Christians had been burnt down. The railway, too, between Tientsin and Lofa was torn up in several places and the bridges wrecked. Near Yangtsun particularly, where, as we have seen, large numbers of Imperial soldiers were encamped, the damage to the line was greatest, and had in all probability been carried out by those very same soldiers who were sent ostensibly to protect the railway. The work of destruction had, it is now ascertained, been carried on by direct order, and under the supervision of Chinese officers.

[Sidenote: FIRING AT RANDOM]

Unable to keep open the communication, running short of ammunition and provisions, the water of the wells poisoned by corpses of men and animals thrown into them, and advance being absolutely impossible--to say nothing of the probability of being cut off--it was decided that, in the circumstances, it would be wise for the expedition to return to Tientsin.

Nothing of importance happened on June 15, 16, and 17, the time being spent in foraging and clearing villages of Boxers. The villages were burnt down, wherever the attitude of the natives was hostile.

The following day (18th), at Yangtsun, the Germans captured a number of Imperial junks carrying off railway materials. The trains that were up at Lanfang were on their way back to Yangtsun, when, shortly before three in the afternoon, they were attacked by Boxers, who, for the first time, were supported by some 6000 Imperial troops.

The fight was a very hard one, the Chinese soldiers being armed with modern Mauser and Mannlicher rifles, with which, however, they merely fired at random, or the Allies would have suffered more than they did. The Boxers, too, on this occasion had been armed (evidently by the Government) with similar rifles of precision, which, fortunately, they did not know how to use. They all fired too high, evidently unaccustomed to the use of our sights when elevated, and when they drew nearer forgot to lower their sights, firing consequently much too high to inflict serious damage on the Allies. Had the troops, too, been drilled in as efficient a way as they were armed escape would have been impossible for the armoured trains of the Allies. The regular troops, it is true, fired considerably better than the Boxers, but to the Boxers must be given the credit of bearing the brunt of the battle, for they were made to advance first. The fighting continued sharp till 5 +P.M.+, when the Chinese retreated in confusion. Their loss was stated to amount to some 500 killed.

The casualties of the Allies were 6 killed (2 British, 3 Russian, 1 German) and 60 wounded, of whom 30 were British, 20 German, and the rest Russian.

The situation was getting critical for the Relief Expedition, as it was impossible to proceed; communication was altogether cut with Tientsin, and the railway was now destroyed on either side of the force. There remained but one thing to do, and that was to abandon the trains and march back to Tientsin along the river bank, conveying provisions by water. It was not possible to take more than three days’ half-rations.

The morning of the 19th and the greater part of the afternoon were employed in preparing for the march back, and at 4 +P.M.+ the British force, with three 9-pounder field guns and several Maxims and machine-guns, followed by the Austrian and Japanese, also with field guns, headed the column on the return march. Lieutenants Colomb and Farie were with the 9-pounder guns, and the _Centurion_ and _Endymion’s_ contingents had charge of the machine guns.

The march was at first without incident, and the night passed quietly. The next evening (20th) it was not till towards eight that the Chinese Imperial troops were signalled as approaching--others, either Boxers or Regulars, were entrenched in a position commanding the river and in a village.

[Sidenote: TOO HOT FOR THE ENEMY]

The British 9-pounders and the American 3-inch guns opened a well-directed fire with shrapnel at close range. It seemed to prove too hot for the enemy. After a few minutes’ accurate firing their volleys became wild and careless, and they retired from their trenches and village, so that an hour later the Allies were able to continue their march. Sniping caused the Allies some slight casualties.

Another village, reached shortly after ten o’clock, and expected to be full of Chinese troops, was attacked by the Allies, the French and Americans occupying the advance, and the British proceeding under cover of the river bank. The British 9-pounders poured shrapnel into the village from the first, but it was not till four o’clock in the afternoon that the enemy retreated, leaving behind a handsome Hotchkiss 1-pounder, with which their gunners had made quite creditable practice. From under cover they continued firing upon the Allies until these were well within the village.

From the 14th to the 20th, while these developments were taking place up the line, Tientsin itself, notwithstanding the promises of protection given by Chinese officials, was in a sorry plight. It seems incredible, but is nevertheless true, that, even at this critical moment, the British Consul in Tientsin had apparently not yet realised the farce that was being played by the Viceroy of Tientsin and other Chinese officials. He seemed to have taken seriously all that they chose to tell him, and even sent to Lord Salisbury the following telegram, comments on which are not needed:

“Tientsin, June 15. The native city is practically in the hands of the Boxers and the mob, _who have burnt down the chapels_, and compelled Chinese officials to get out of their chairs in the streets.

“_The action of the Viceroy has been very correct_ (_sic_). Communication with the Admiral is cut off. The situation is more serious than he is aware of. A portion of the Russian troops still remains in this place.”

It is evident from the Consul’s own words, that if the Russians deemed it necessary to detain their troops in Tientsin--and we shall see later what a godsend it was that they did so--there must have been a reason for it. Russian officials knew better than to report to their respective Governments in such eulogistic terms of the Viceroy’s conduct. It will also be interesting in a later chapter to glance at the documents found after the fall of Tientsin, in the Viceroy’s Yamên, which do not bear out the British Consul’s information.

The comedy is completed by Lord Salisbury’s reply to our Consul in Tientsin:

“You should inform the Viceroy that it is open to him to take refuge on one of her Majesty’s ships in the event of his considering himself in danger”!

[Sidenote: MISPLACED CONSIDERATION]

Lord Salisbury, nevertheless, was not the person to blame in the affair, for he acted on the information of servants of the nation, whom it was his duty to trust. Indeed, he showed a noble heart and much thoughtful consideration for the official whom he supposed pro-foreign--a consideration which could not have been more misplaced.